VOLUME 13 · ENGLISH TRANSLATION

Book of Wei · Biographies of Zhong Yao, Hua Xin, and Wang Lang

By Chen Shou · With source commentary

Zhong Yao, courtesy name Yuanchang, was from Changshe in Yingchuan.

CommentaryThe Accounts of the Worthies of Earlier Times says: Zhong Hao, courtesy name Jiming, was gentle, kind, sincere, and cautious. Widely learned in the Odes and the statutes [詩律; the precise scope of the term remains uncertain], he taught over a thousand pupils and served as the commandery's Officer of Merit. Chen Shi, later Chief of Taiqiu, was then head of the West Gate Police Post. Zhong Hao alone deeply respected and valued him. Seventeen years younger than Zhong Hao, Chen Shi was always treated with courtesy and on equal terms. When Zhong Hao was recruited to one of the highest ministerial offices and was about to leave, the administrator asked who could replace him. He answered: “If Your Excellency wishes to find the right man, the head of the West Gate Police Post can be employed.” Chen Shi said: “Master Zhong seems to pay no particular attention to judging men. Why has he recognized me alone?” Zhong Hao became a clerk of the Minister over the Masses. Once, when the minister went out, the roads were muddy. His escort disliked being splashed and withdrew a great distance from his carriage. Striking the carriage rail, the minister said: “Today the Minister over the Masses travels alone!” On returning to the office and approaching the inner door, the attendants failed to support him. When told to exchange greetings with his clerks, he angrily waved his hands and ignored them. All the office's clerks submitted resignations acknowledging fault and withdrew. Zhong Hao, then clerk of the Western Bureau, immediately opened the office gates and sent men to explain to those who had left: “If subordinates cannot put themselves right with their superior, and the Colonel Director of Retainers applies the law on the grounds that the minister has lost the proper conduct of a chief minister and is unfit for office, what position will any of you ever hold again?” The clerks therefore all stayed. The capital inspection authorities did indeed send an inquiry to the Western Bureau asking why everyone had abandoned the office. Zhong Hao summoned their officer and showed him the list of clerks present, and the matter ended. He was invited to the Three Excellencies' offices nine times in all and appointed Chief of Nanxiang and Linlü, but did not take up those county posts. Among the commandery's senior worthies admired throughout the realm were Chen Zhishu of Dingling, Administrator of Cangwu, Xun Shu of Yingyin, former Magistrate of Liyang, and Zhong Hao. Privy Treasurer Li Ying consistently revered the three: “Master Xun's pure discernment can hardly be surpassed; Chen and Zhong possess consummate virtue worthy of emulation.” Li Ying's paternal aunt married Zhong Hao's elder brother and bore Zhong Jin. Of the same age as Li Ying, Zhong Jin likewise enjoyed a fine reputation. He loved learning, admired antiquity, and practiced modest deference. When he was a child, Li Ying's grandfather Li Xiu, the Grand Commandant, said: “Zhong Jin resembles our family in temperament. When the state follows the Way he will not be neglected; when it does not, he will escape execution.” Li Xiu also married Li Ying's younger sister to him. Though invited by the provincial authorities, Zhong Jin never accepted. Li Ying told him: “Meng Ke held that a person without feelings of approval and disapproval, right and wrong, is not human. Why do you make so little distinction between black and white in judging people?” Zhong Jin reported this to Zhong Hao, who said: “Yuanli (Li Ying) has a grandfather in high office, powerful uncles, and kinship as a nephew of Master Han. That is why he can behave so. Guo Wuzi delighted in exposing others' faults and thereby created resentment. Is this the time for that? Preserving yourself and your household is the right path for you.” Zhong Jin died young. Although Li Ying won merit and fame and rose to the highest ministerial ranks, he ultimately perished in the age's political disasters. Zhong Hao died at home aged sixty-nine. His two sons Zhong Di and Zhong Fu both stayed out of office because of the partisan prohibitions. Zhong Yao was Zhong Di's grandson.

Zhong Yao once traveled to Luoyang with his paternal clan uncle Zhong Yu. On the road they met a physiognomist who said: “This child has the appearance of future eminence, but he will face danger from water. Be especially careful!” Before they had gone ten li, his horse shied while crossing a bridge, throwing him into the water and nearly killing him. Because the prediction had proved accurate, Zhong Yu valued him still more and supplied the funds that allowed him to devote himself to study. Zhong Yao was nominated as Filial and Incorrupt.

He was appointed Gentleman of the Masters of Writing and Magistrate of Yangling, then left office through illness. Recruited by the Three Excellencies' offices, he became Senior Justice under the Commandant of Justice and Gentleman of the Yellow Gates. At this time the Han emperor was in the western capital. Li Jue, Guo Si, and others threw Chang'an into disorder, severing communications with the east. Taizu (Cao Cao) <Great Ancestor; a temple name conferred posthumously> was Governor of Yan Province and first sent an envoy with a memorial.

Li Jue, Guo Si, and the others argued: “The eastern leaders intend to enthrone an emperor of their own. Although Cao Cao has now sent a mission, it cannot represent his true intentions.” They proposed detaining his envoy and rejecting his approach. Zhong Yao persuaded them: “Heroes have risen together, each falsifying imperial commands and exercising power on his own. Only Governor Cao of Yan (Cao Cao) sincerely supports the royal house. Rejecting his loyal goodwill would disappoint the expectations of those who may come after him.” They accepted his advice and sent a generous reply. From then on, Taizu (Cao Cao)'s missions could get through. Having repeatedly heard Xun Yu praise Zhong Yao, and now learning how he had persuaded Li Jue and Guo Si, Taizu (Cao Cao) became still more eager to receive him. Later, when Li Jue coerced the emperor, Zhong Yao planned jointly with Gentleman of the Masters of Writing Han Bin. He contributed substantially to the emperor's escape from Chang'an. Appointed Palace Assistant Censor, he was promoted to Palace Attendant and Supervisor of the Masters of Writing. His earlier services were also recognized by enfeoffment as Marquis of Dongwu Village.

At this time Ma Teng, Han Sui, and the other generals in Guanzhong each maintained powerful armies and fought one another. Taizu (Cao Cao), occupied in the east, worried about the western region. He therefore memorialized to have Zhong Yao, while retaining his Palace Attendant post, act as Colonel Director of Retainers, bearing imperial credentials and supervising the armies of Guanzhong. He entrusted the rear to him and expressly exempted him from ordinary procedural restrictions. Reaching Chang'an, Zhong Yao wrote to Ma Teng, Han Sui, and the others to explain the consequences of good and bad choices. Both men sent sons to attend the court. While Taizu (Cao Cao) confronted Yuan Shao at Guandu, Zhong Yao supplied the army with over two thousand horses. Taizu (Cao Cao) wrote: “The horses you sent have arrived precisely when urgently needed. The pacification of the west, freeing the court from anxiety in that direction, is your achievement. Xiao He once held Guanzhong and provided the food that sustained the army. His service was no greater than this.” Later, the Xiongnu chanyu rebelled at Pingyang. Zhong Yao led the armies to besiege him but had not yet captured him when Guo Yuan, Yuan Shang's appointed Administrator of Hedong, arrived in Hedong with a very large force. The generals proposed abandoning the siege and withdrawing. Zhong Yao said: “The Yuans are powerful, and with Guo Yuan's arrival the Guanzhong leaders have secretly communicated with him. They have not all rebelled only because they fear our reputation. If we withdraw and show weakness, which of the local people will not become our enemy? Even if we wished to return, could we get through? That would be defeating ourselves before fighting. Moreover, Guo Yuan is obstinate, headstrong, and eager to win. He will certainly underestimate our army. If he crosses the Fen River to establish his camp, we can strike before his crossing is complete and gain a great victory.” Zhang Ji persuaded Ma Teng to join the attack. Ma Teng sent his son Ma Chao with elite troops to meet Guo Yuan. On arriving, Guo Yuan indeed attempted the crossing rashly and ignored his men's objections. Before half his force had crossed, Zhong Yao's army attacked and routed him.

CommentarySima Biao's Strategic Accounts says: Yuan Shang sent Gao Gan and Guo Yuan with tens of thousands of troops, together with the Xiongnu chanyu, to invade Hedong. He sent envoys seeking an alliance with Ma Teng, Han Sui, and the others, who secretly agreed. Fu Gan persuaded Ma Teng: “The ancients said, ‘Those who follow the Way prosper; those who oppose virtue perish.’ Lord Cao (Cao Cao) upholds the Son of Heaven and punishes violent rebels. His laws are clear and his state orderly; superiors and subordinates carry out his commands. Righteous conduct is rewarded and unrighteous conduct punished. This may be called following the Way. The Yuans defy royal commands and drive foreign troops to overrun the central territories. They appear generous yet are suspicious, humane yet indecisive. Though their armies are strong, they have lost the people's allegiance. This may be called opposing virtue. You already serve the side that follows the Way, but do not devote your full strength to it. Instead you secretly keep both options open, hoping to watch success and failure from your seat. I fear that when the outcome is decided and an official proclamation comes demanding an account, you will be first to face execution.” Ma Teng became alarmed. Fu Gan continued: “The wise turn disaster into fortune. Lord Cao (Cao Cao) and the Yuans now face each other, while Gao Gan and Guo Yuan dominate Hedong. Even with a completely sound plan, Lord Cao (Cao Cao) cannot prevent Hedong's present danger. If you lead troops against Guo Yuan and attack from within and without, his force must fall. With one action you would cut off the Yuans' arm and relieve a whole region's emergency. Lord Cao (Cao Cao) would owe you a great debt. Bamboo and silk would be insufficient to record all your merit and fame. Consider your choice carefully!” Ma Teng replied: “I respectfully accept your instruction.” He then sent Ma Chao with over ten thousand elite troops, also commanding forces from Han Sui and the others, to join Zhong Yao. Together they overwhelmingly defeated Guo Yuan and his allies.

Guo Yuan was killed and the chanyu surrendered. The account appears in Zhang Ji's biography. Later, Wei Gu of Hedong rebelled, joining Zhang Sheng, Zhang Yan, Gao Gan, and others in raids. Zhong Yao again led the generals against them and defeated them.

CommentaryThe Weilüe says: An edict recalled Wang Yi, Administrator of Hedong. Since the realm was unsettled, Wang Yi was unwilling to go, and the officials and people were attached to him. Commandery clerk Wei Gu, General of the Household Fan Xian, and others each went to Zhong Yao to plead that Wang Yi remain. But an edict had already appointed Du Ji administrator, and Du Ji had entered the commandery. Zhong Yao refused Fan Xian and the others and urged Wang Yi to hand over his credentials. Wearing his official seal and ribbon, Wang Yi went directly from north of the river to Xu to surrender himself. Zhong Yao's headquarters were then at Luoyang. Believing that his failure to enforce his authority violated the duties of supervision, he submitted a memorial impeaching himself: “I previously reported that Wang Yi, former General Who Guards the North, concurrent Administrator of Hedong, and Marquis of Anyang Village, had improperly evaded the administration and breached regulations. His conduct called for investigation and impeachment to establish the facts of his deceit. An edict directed action in accordance with my charges. Because he presented himself to accept responsibility, he received leniency and pardon. I also reported that officials and people of all ranks were waiting in uncertainty, believing Wang Yi would return and resisting Administrator Du Ji. They have now all repented and jointly welcomed Du Ji to office. “Respectfully examining the documents: I possess no substance, yet have been favored with promotion, admitted to close service, and entrusted with affairs at the center. Unworthily bearing a great responsibility, I oversee a distant region. I have neither provided virtuous government to benefit the people nor applied effective penalties to restrain the disobedient. Consequently Wang Yi violated the edict, while commandery clerk Wei Gu deceived and coerced officials and people. Their petitions traveled back and forth along the roads, increasingly disregarding propriety and showing no reverence for royal commands. Though they have now repented, the scandal has spread. All the blame arises from my failure to enforce discipline. Moreover, illness has afflicted me for years, and my strength diminishes daily. I consume a high salary without service and neglect my duties. My guilt is evident and the law clear. “I respectfully charge Zhong Yao, Palace Attendant, acting Colonel Director of Retainers, and Marquis of Dongwu Village: Fortunate to receive imperial favor, despite his petty abilities he was repeatedly promoted to distinguished and confidential service and commissioned to supervise a region. He clearly knew that the edicts deeply condemned senior officials whose government was weak, who imposed no penalties in supervising subordinates, and whose prolonged illness left their responsibilities neglected and the laws unenforced. Although Wang Yi violated regulations and ought to have been corrected by proper law, after filing charges Zhong Yao mishandled the impeachment, allowing Wang Yi to travel all the way to the imperial court. He disgraced his commission and weakened the state's authority. Wei Gu deceived and coerced the officials and people into resisting Du Ji for successive months. Though they now repent, their disobedience and misconduct have alarmed the realm. All these offenses arose from Zhong Yao's ineffective discipline. Zhong Yao has also long been ill and unable to discharge his office, conduct improper in a great minister. He treats constitutional rules lightly, does not fear edicts, and does not share the state's purposes. As a minister he is disloyal and unrestrained, guilty of great disrespect. Further, he failed to implement edicts and was careless in carrying them out. His judgment was obstructed, his subordinates deceived him, and his weakness made him unfit for office. “I respectfully impeach him for these several offenses. I request that an official judicial carriage summon him before the Commandant of Justice for trial and that the Grand Herald strip him of rank and territory. My grave illness has persisted and worsened severely in summer. My life hangs by a breath, and I cannot supervise my officials. I have therefore handed the documents to Attendant Officer of Merit Ma Shiyi [馬適議; the division of surname and personal name is uncertain], removed my cap, and bared my feet, awaiting condemnation and execution.” The edict refused his request.

Since the Son of Heaven's removal westward, Luoyang's population had been almost exhausted. Zhong Yao relocated people from Guanzhong and welcomed fugitives and deserters to replenish it. Over several years, the number of households gradually recovered. When Taizu (Cao Cao) campaigned in Guanzhong, these resources supported him. He memorialized to appoint Zhong Yao Military Adviser of the Vanguard.

When the state of Wei was first established, Zhong Yao became Chief Judge and was promoted to Chancellor of State. Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) <Civil Emperor; a posthumous imperial title>, then in the Eastern Palace as heir, gave him a five-compartment cooking vessel and composed this inscription: “Illustrious Wei supports and protects Han. Its chancellor, Zhong, is truly its backbone, heart, and sinews. Respectful and diligent morning and night, he finds no leisure for repose. Let the hundred officials emulate this pattern and measure.”

CommentaryThe Weilüe says: As Chancellor of State, Zhong Yao obtained a mold for a five-compartment vessel and asked the crown prince to have it cast. Once it was finished, the crown prince wrote: “Of old there were the three cauldrons of the Yellow Emperor (traditionally Gongsun Xuanyuan) and the nine treasures of Zhou. Each had a single body and prepared a single flavor. How could they equal this vessel, in which five flavors give off fragrance at once? Cauldrons cook offerings for the Supreme Deity and nourishment for sages and worthies. Nothing surpasses them for displaying virtue and seeking blessings. Thus only a great man can create such a vessel, and only such a vessel is fitting for abundant virtue. This splendid cauldron surpasses even those excellences. Shi Chen of Zhou, Kaofu of Song, Kong Kui of Wei, and Wei Ke of Jin all had their names inscribed on bells or cauldrons for their merit and virtue. You now respectfully assist Great Wei and exalt its sage transformation. Your imposing virtue reaches its height here. It should indeed be commemorated by the Minister of Ceremonies and engraved upon a ritual vessel. I have therefore composed this inscription and engraved it around the cauldron's rim, hoping to proclaim your great excellence and transmit it imperishably.” I, Pei Songzhi, note: According to the Treatise on Suburban Sacrifices in the Book of Han, a cauldron was found at Meiyang during the reign of Emperor Xiaoxuan (Liu Xun) <Filial and Proclaiming Emperor; a posthumous title>. Zhang Chang, Intendant of Jingzhao, submitted this opinion: “The cauldron bears an inscription: ‘The king commanded Shi Chen to settle here in Xun. [Shi designates a minister responsible for affairs; Xun is pronounced like 荀 and is a place in a remote region.] I grant you a banner with bells, patterned ceremonial dress, and a carved halberd. Shi Chen bowed his head and prostrated himself, saying: I dare acknowledge and proclaim the Son of Heaven's greatly illustrious and gracious command!’ This was presumably how Zhou honored the descendants of great ministers. Those descendants inscribed their forebears' achievements and preserved the vessels in ancestral temples.” Kaofu's inscription appears in the Zuo Tradition and Kong Kui's in the Record of Rites. As these are well known, I do not reproduce them. The Discourses of the States says: “During the conquest of Lu, Qin came intending to undo Jin's achievement. Wei Ke personally pursued the Qin army at Fushi and stopped Du Hui. His inscription on the great bell still preserves every detail to this day. His descendants cannot fail to flourish.” These are the four inscriptions cited by the crown prince. The Weilüe says: Later, while Taizu (Cao Cao) campaigned in Hanzhong, the crown prince was at Mengjin. Hearing that Zhong Yao possessed a jade jue <a ring-shaped jade ornament with an opening>, he wished to obtain it but found it difficult to ask. He secretly had the Marquis of Linzi (Cao Zhi) approach Zhong Yao through an intermediary, and Zhong Yao immediately sent it. The crown prince wrote: “Jade is likened to the virtue of a gentleman and praised by the poets. Jin's Chuiji, Lu's Yufan, Song's Jielü, and Chu's uncut jade of He were worth more than ten thousand gold pieces and valued above cities. Celebrated in the past, their fame will endure into the future. When Chuiji left Jin, both Yu and Guo were captured; when He's jade entered Qin, Lin Xiangru upheld his integrity. I have read in writings on jade that fine jade is white as cut fat, black as pure lacquer, red as a cock's comb, and yellow as steamed chestnuts. I had heard these descriptions without seeing such objects. Though my virtue is not a gentleman's nor my righteousness a poet's, I privately admire their lofty mountains and great paths. But the four treasures lie far in the past, and no worthy match for them has been heard of in Qin or Han. I have therefore sought one for many years without finding a true example. My private wish remained unfulfilled, my hunger and thirst unsatisfied. Recently Zong Huishu of Nanyang told me that Your Lordship had possessed a beautiful jue. Hearing it, I was startled with delight, laughing and clapping. I intended to write personally but feared the report was uncertain. I therefore had my younger brother Zijian (Cao Zhi) convey my humble wish through Xun Zhongmao. You did not disregard it but generously fulfilled it. When the rider from Ye arrived and the precious jue first reached me, I knelt holding the box and opened it: brilliance filled my eyes. Despite my ignorance and obscurity, I have been permitted to behold a treasure rare in the world, without troubling a single emissary or paying the price of linked cities. I have enjoyed the spectacle seen at King Zhao of Qin (Ying Ji)'s Zhangtai, without Master Lin (Lin Xiangru)'s deceptive recovery of the jade. Your splendid gift is exceedingly generous. How could I not receive it reverently?” Zhong Yao replied: “When I unworthily held close attendance, I was also granted this jue. The old craftsmen of the Imperial Workshops recognized something of the ancient object and identified its markings and colors; its provenance could surely be established. Believing that you already possessed a treasure like it, I undervalued it and had not presented it. That you have graciously taken an interest truly delights me. In former times Master He (Bian He) was earnest, loyal, and devoted, whereas I waited for your command. This leaves me ashamed.”

Several years later, implicated in the rebellion of Wei Feng, clerk of the Western Bureau, Zhong Yao was formally dismissed and retired to his residence.

CommentaryThe Weilüe says: Sun Quan declared himself a subject and sent the beheaded Guan Yu [the supplied wording is 斬送關羽]. The crown prince wrote to inform Zhong Yao. Zhong Yao replied: “The late Minister of Works Xun Shuang, a man of my commandery, used to say: ‘One should express one's feelings: how lovable are those who love me, and how hateful those who hate me!’ Thinking of Sun Quan, I find him all the more contemptible in his ingratiation.” The crown prince wrote again: “Your reply tells me of your pleasure at the news from the south. As for Master Xun's refined remarks and Sun Quan's contemptible ingratiation, I laughed aloud with your letter in hand and could not put it down. If Sun Quan acts cunningly again, we shall rebuke him with Xu Shao of Runan's monthly evaluations. Playing at ease between two states and being assessed now by Xun, now by Xu, should be quite enough for him.”

When Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) succeeded as king, Zhong Yao was restored as Chief Judge. Upon the imperial accession, his office was renamed Commandant of Justice, and his enfeoffment was advanced to Marquis of Chonggao District. He was promoted to Grand Commandant, with his fief transferred to Pingyang District. Minister over the Masses Hua Xin and Minister of Works Wang Lang were likewise distinguished men from the preceding age. After court, Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) told his attendants: “These Three Excellencies are the great men of a generation. Later ages will scarcely be able to match them!”

CommentaryMaster Lu's Forest of Marvels says: Zhong Yao once failed to attend court for several months and behaved unusually. Asked why, he said: “A beautiful woman has been visiting me, of extraordinary loveliness.” The questioner said: “She must be a ghost. You should kill her.” When she next came, she did not immediately approach but stayed outside the door. Asked why, she said: “You intend to kill me.” Zhong Yao denied it and insistently called her in. He was troubled and could not bear to act, yet eventually struck her and wounded her thigh. She immediately left, wiping away her blood with fresh silk floss all along the road. Next day he sent men to follow the traces. They reached a large tomb. Within a wooden coffin lay a beautiful woman whose body looked alive, wearing a white silk shirt and a red embroidered liangdang <a two-panel garment>. Her left thigh was wounded, and floss from the garment had been used to wipe the blood. My uncle, Administrator of Qinghe, related the story in this way. The Administrator of Qinghe was Lu Yun.

When Emperor Ming (Cao Rui) <Bright Emperor; a posthumous imperial title> ascended the throne, Zhong Yao was advanced to Marquis of Dingling, receiving five hundred additional households for a total of eighteen hundred, and promoted to Grand Tutor. A knee ailment made bowing and rising difficult for him. Hua Xin was also old and ill. Both were permitted to come to audiences in conveyances, and Tiger Guards carried them into the hall to their seats. Thereafter this became the precedent when one of the Three Excellencies was ill.

Earlier, Taizu (Cao Cao) had ordered a discussion of which capital offenses might instead be punished by castration or amputation. Zhong Yao argued: “The ancient corporal punishments endured through successive sages. They should be restored as substitutes for death.” Others thought this would not win the people's favor, and the proposal was shelved. Later, while Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) entertained the ministers at a banquet, he declared: “The Chief Judge wishes to restore corporal punishments. These truly were the laws of sage kings. The highest ministers should discuss the matter carefully.” Before agreement was reached, military affairs intervened and the proposal was again suspended. During the Taihe era, Zhong Yao memorialized: “Great Wei has received Heaven's mandate and follows the example of Yu and Xia. Emperor Xiaowen (Liu Heng) <Filial and Civil Emperor; a posthumous title> reformed the laws in a manner inconsistent with the ancient Way. The late emperor's sage virtue was Heaven's gift; his mastery of the ancient texts was unified throughout. Thus, on succeeding to power, he repeatedly issued enlightened edicts, intending to restore ancient punishments as the law of a new age. Successive military affairs prevented implementation. Your Majesty should pursue the intentions left by the two ancestral rulers, regretting that foot amputation is not available to restrain wrongdoing and that people who need not die are subjected to death. Order men versed in the statutes to deliberate with the ministers. For those originally liable to lose the right foot but now subject to execution, restore the former penalty. “The Documents says: ‘The august emperor clearly questioned the people below; widowers and widows brought complaints against the Miao.’ This means that when Yao intended to remove the punishments of Chiyou and the Miao, he first carefully questioned common people who had complaints. When deciding cases now, consult the Three Excellencies, the Nine Ministers, the officials, and the people. Following Emperor Xiaojing (Liu Qi) <Filial and Respectful Emperor; a posthumous title>, allow those sentenced to marketplace execution who prefer amputation of the right foot to choose it. For tattooing, nose-cutting, amputation of the left foot, and castration, retain Emperor Xiaowen (Liu Heng)'s substitution of head-shaving and beating. Offenders capable of wrongdoing are generally between twenty and forty or fifty; even with their feet cut off they can still produce children. Today's population is smaller than in Emperor Xiaowen (Liu Heng)'s time. At a low estimate, three thousand lives a year could be preserved. When Zhang Cang abolished corporal punishments, the resulting executions numbered tens of thousands annually. I wish to restore them and save three thousand lives a year. Zigong asked whether one who could aid the people might be called humane. Confucius answered: ‘Why speak only of humanity? Such a man would surely be a sage! Even Yao and Shun found this difficult.’ He also said: ‘Is humanity far away? If I desire humanity, it is here.’ If this is truly implemented, the people will enjoy lasting deliverance.” The memorial was submitted, and an edict answered: “The Grand Tutor is deeply learned and highly talented. He attends to affairs of government and has profound understanding of criminal justice. This is a great matter. Let the highest ministers and other officials discuss it fairly and carefully.” Minister over the Masses Wang Lang argued: “Zhong Yao wishes to reduce the categories of capital punishment by increasing sentences of amputation. This would indeed raise the fallen upright and turn corpses into living people. Yet in my foolish opinion there remains a slight point of disagreement. The five punishments are laid down in the statutes, which already provide a penalty one degree below death. Not dying is itself a reduction. These provisions have long been practiced; there is no need to borrow the ancient blades and chisels of corporal punishment before establishing gradations of guilt. Humane men of earlier ages could not bear its cruelty and therefore abolished it. Several hundred years have passed since it ceased to be used. If it is now restored, I fear that before the people see the provisions reducing penalties, our enemies will already have heard of mutilation. This is no way to attract distant peoples. We can instead examine the capital offenses Zhong Yao wishes to lighten and reduce them to the noncapital penalties of head-shaving and penal restraint. [The supplied wording includes 刖 here, ‘amputation,’ despite the argument against restoring it.] If these seem too light, double the years of compulsory labor. Within the realm there would be the immeasurable favor of exchanging death for life; outside it there would be no alarming report that fetters had been replaced by amputation.” Over a hundred men discussed the matter, and most agreed with Wang Lang. Since Wu and Shu remained unconquered, the emperor suspended it for the time being.

CommentaryYuan Hong says: People's hearts delight in remaining whole, yet they cannot always preserve themselves. Objects of advantage hang before them, while desires stir within. Thus arise acquisitive competition and unrestrained pursuit. When their efforts cannot satisfy their appetites, reckless hopes of fortune appear; when insatiable seeking cannot fulfill desire, deceit, resentment, and anger arise. The former kings understood this and wished to remedy the evil. They first used moral instruction to shape people's hearts; only when hearts would not change did they impose criminal penalties. The Documents says: “The people lack affection and the five relationships are disordered. You shall be Minister over the Masses and reverently spread the five teachings.” It also says: “The outer peoples disturb the central realm, and robbers and criminals cause disorder. You shall be Minister of Justice, applying the five punishments.” Thus virtue and punishment were established to be used together. The Three Dynasties inherited this principle, whose meaning is clear. The Rites of Zhou says: “Let the tattooed guard doors, those with noses cut off guard passes, the castrated guard inner quarters, and amputees guard parks.” Here is evidence from which the system of corporal punishment can be discussed. Master Xun (Xun Kuang) likewise said that killers die and those who injure others receive bodily punishment: the hundred kings shared this rule, and no one knows how far back it began. Killers are put to death, yet people continue killing. Thus execution may deter those who have not killed but cannot make the whole world free of murder. Those who injure others receive bodily punishment, yet harm does not cease. Thus tattooing and nose-cutting may frighten those not yet punished but cannot eliminate punishment from the world. If one wishes to stop wrongdoing, nothing is better than beginning with moral instruction. Criminal penalties follow only after an offense has become manifest. A person intending murder need not yet have incurred death; someone wishing to injure another need not yet have incurred punishment. If left without moral transformation, however, he falls into criminal penalties. Punishment therefore operates at a point where the deed can no longer be changed. Ritual instruction is different. By clarifying good and evil, it quietly encourages proper feelings and dissolves the impulse before murder; by showing disgrace, it creates inward shame and corrects the impulse before injury. Thus faults remain slight rather than becoming manifest, and guilt stays too small to incur punishment. Those who finally enter the criminal law are people whom moral instruction has failed to reach. Even if a living being must be destroyed or one person's body mutilated, this removes harm from the realm: what injury does it do to the larger purpose? Following this path, customs can gradually become sincere and punishments gradually diminish. This follows naturally from the principle. If hearts cannot be transformed and government relies exclusively on punishment, people lose the proper direction of righteousness and encounter the legal net at every movement. How could peaceful harmony be attained? Did Kings Cheng (Ji Song) and Kang (Ji Zhao) <Cheng, Accomplished, and Kang, Peaceful; posthumous royal titles> of Zhou achieve the celebrated disuse of punishment merely by applying three thousand statutory provisions? The gradual penetration of moral transformation brought that result. Early Han, reacting against the abuses of cruel punishments, emphasized generosity. Ministers and grand masters together considered it shameful to discuss others' faults. When Emperor Wen (Liu Heng) <Civil Emperor; a posthumous imperial title> took the throne, he added quiet restraint. Zhang Wu accepted bribes, and the emperor gave him gold to awaken shame; the King of Wu (Liu Bi) failed to attend court, and the emperor increased his ceremonial honors to correct his error. Consequently officials and people delighted in their work, and customs became sincere and generous. Only four hundred cases were adjudicated, approaching the disuse of punishment. Was this not the demonstrated effect of using virtue and penalties together? Those who discuss the usefulness of punishment without first considering the benefits of moral instruction stray very far indeed. Today capital punishment follows the ancient system. Lesser penalties last no more than five years; once the shackles are removed, the offender again joins ordinary society. Thus people feel no shame at wrongdoing and repeatedly commit crimes and theft. Convicts multiply while disorder remains ungoverned. If those beyond the reach of instruction receive punishment fitting their crimes, then once they have encountered blade and saw, they remain excluded from ordinary standing for life. Even their neighbors would be ashamed to associate with them—how much more their local community, and still more the court! Men like Susha and Zhao Gao would then find no opportunity to practice evil. In antiquity, examining speech and observing conduct made goodness and wickedness apparent. A gentleman therefore stood far removed from criminal penalties. Accidental faults and unfortunate mistakes received clemency under the Eight Deliberations <privileged categories subject to special judicial consideration>. As for the injustices suffered by Bian He and the historian Sima Qian, those resulted from abusive punishment. When proper principles are lost, even execution may be unavoidable, let alone bodily mutilation. The Book of Han says: “Those formerly liable to loss of the right foot, murderers who first confess themselves, officials accepting bribes, and custodians who steal government goods shall all be executed in the marketplace.” This is what Ban Gu meant by making die those who ought to live. To recoil from the horror of cutting flesh yet accept the tragedy of extinguishing life is precisely what sound government should first address and a state ought to reform.

In the fourth year of Taihe, Zhong Yao died. The emperor went to mourn in plain robes, and he received the posthumous title Marquis Cheng (Zhong Yao) <‘Accomplished,’ a posthumous designation>.

His son Zhong Yu succeeded him. Earlier, Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) had divided off households from Zhong Yu's fief to enfeoff Zhong Yao's younger brother Zhong Yan, his son Zhong Shao, and his grandson Zhong Yu (鍾豫) as ranked marquises.

Zhong Yu (鍾毓), courtesy name Zhishu, became Gentleman Attendant Cavalier at fourteen. Quick-witted in conversation and humor, he resembled his father. Early in the Taihe era, when Shu Chancellor Zhuge Liang besieged Qishan, Emperor Ming (Cao Rui) wished to campaign west. Zhong Yu memorialized: “Plans are valued for securing victory in the ancestral temple, and achievement is prized when conceived behind the command tent's curtains. Without descending from the palace hall, one may decide victory a thousand li away. The imperial carriage should remain in the central territories to support the authority of the armies in all directions. If the great army marches west, even a hundredfold display of might will impose many different costs on Guanzhong. Moreover, campaigning in extreme summer heat is something the poets treated gravely. This is truly no time for the supreme ruler to set his wheels in motion.” He was promoted to Gentleman of the Yellow Gates. At this time extensive palace construction was undertaken at Luoyang, and the emperor went to Xuchang, where the realm's officials were to assemble for the New Year audience. Xuchang was cramped, so a felt-covered hall was built south of the city, with fish-and-dragon and many other elaborate entertainments. The people were exhausted by labor service. Zhong Yu remonstrated: “Floods and droughts come out of season, and the treasury is empty. All such projects can wait for a prosperous year.” He also memorialized that wasteland within the passes should again be opened up so the people could devote themselves fully to agriculture. His proposal was implemented. During the Zhengshi era he became Regular Attendant Cavalier. General-in-Chief Cao Shuang raised an army against Shu in the height of summer, but Shu defended its positions and the army could not advance. As Cao Shuang intended to reinforce it, Zhong Yu wrote: “In my humble opinion, plans that secure victory in the ancestral temple do not require exposure to arrows and stones. A true king's army corrects wrongdoing without needing battle. Shield-and-axe dances could subdue the Miao, and withdrawing a stage could secure Yuan's surrender. It is unnecessary to unleash Wu Han at the river passes or drive Han Xin through Jingxing. Advancing when success is possible and withdrawing when difficulties are understood has been sound policy since antiquity. I ask Your Lordship to consider this carefully.” Cao Shuang returned without achievement. Later, having displeased him, Zhong Yu was transferred to Palace Attendant and then sent out as Administrator of Wei Commandery. After Cao Shuang's execution, he entered the capital as Palace Assistant Censor, then Palace Attendant and Commandant of Justice. The rules permitting ministers or sons to vindicate a deceased ruler or father against slander, and preventing the compulsory remarriage of the wife of a gentleman who became a marquis, originated with Zhong Yu. [The precise legal circumstances of the latter rule remain uncertain.]

During the Zhengyuan era, Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin rebelled. Bearing imperial credentials, Zhong Yu went to Yang and Yu provinces to promulgate an amnesty and instruct officials and people. On returning, he became a Master of Writing. When Zhuge Dan rebelled, General-in-Chief Sima Wenwang (Sima Zhao) <King Wen; a posthumous royal title> proposed personally going to Shouchun to suppress him. The Wu senior general Sun Yi then surrendered with his followers. Some argued: “Wu has just suffered an internal breach and certainly cannot send another army. We already have many troops in the east and can await further reports.” Zhong Yu said: “In discussing affairs and assessing an enemy, we should put ourselves in his place. Zhuge Dan has offered the whole of Huainan to Wu, whereas Sun Yi brought fewer than a thousand people and no more than three hundred soldiers. Wu has lost very little. If Shouchun's siege remains unbroken while Wu's internal situation grows more stable, we cannot be certain that it will not dispatch troops.” The General-in-Chief said: “Good.” He took Zhong Yu with him.

After Huainan was pacified, Zhong Yu became Inspector of Qing Province, with the additional title General of the Rear. He was transferred to supervise the armies of Xu Province, granted delegated imperial credentials, and then transferred to supervise Jing Province. He died in the fourth year of Jingyuan and was posthumously granted General of Chariots and Cavalry and the title Marquis Hui (Zhong Yu) <‘Kind,’ a posthumous designation>. His son Zhong Jun succeeded him. Zhong Yu's younger brother Zhong Hui has a separate biography.

Hua Xin, courtesy name Ziyu, was from Gaotang in Pingyuan. Gaotang was a celebrated city of Qi, where men of rank all frequented the streets and markets. As an official, however, Hua Xin went home and closed his door whenever he left the office on his days off. His judgments were fair, and he never disparaged or injured others.

Taoqiu Hong of the same commandery was also renowned and considered his insight superior to Hua Xin's. At this time Wang Fen and other prominent men plotted to depose Emperor Ling (Liu Hong) <Numinous Emperor; a posthumous imperial title>. The account appears in the Annals of Emperor Wu (Cao Cao) <Martial Emperor; a posthumous imperial title>.

Wang Fen secretly summoned Hua Xin and Taoqiu Hong to settle the plan together. Taoqiu Hong wished to go, but Hua Xin stopped him: “Deposing and enthroning rulers is a great undertaking, difficult even for Yi Yin and Huo Guang. Wang Fen is careless by nature and lacks martial ability. This cannot succeed, and disaster will extend to his clan. Do not go!” Taoqiu Hong accepted his advice and stayed. When Wang Fen's plot indeed failed, he acknowledged Hua Xin's judgment. Hua Xin was nominated as Filial and Incorrupt and appointed Palace Gentleman, then left through illness. After Emperor Ling (Liu Hong) died and He Jin became regent, Zheng Tai of Henan, Xun You of Yingchuan, Hua Xin, and others were summoned. On arrival, Hua Xin became Gentleman of the Masters of Writing. When Dong Zhuo moved the Son of Heaven to Chang'an, Hua Xin requested an external appointment as Magistrate of Xiagui. Illness prevented him from taking it up, and he traveled through Lantian to Nanyang.

CommentaryHua Jiao's Genealogical Account says: Hua Xin gained fame in youth for lofty conduct. Fleeing disorder in the western capital, he and six or seven like-minded companions, including Zheng Tai, left secretly on foot through Wuguan. On the road they encountered a man traveling alone who asked to join them. All pitied him and wished to agree. Hua Xin alone said: “No. We are already in danger and must share good fortune and disaster as one. If we accept a stranger without reason, we do not know what obligations it entails. Once we have received him, can we abandon him midway if circumstances change?” The others could not bear to refuse and took him along. Midway, the man fell into a well, and they all wished to abandon him. Hua Xin said: “We have already agreed to travel together. Abandoning him would be unjust.” He led them back to rescue the man, and only afterward did they part. The others deeply admired his righteousness.

Yuan Shu was then at Rang and detained Hua Xin. Hua Xin urged him to advance against Dong Zhuo, but Yuan Shu would not adopt the proposal. Hua Xin wished to leave. Just then the Son of Heaven sent Grand Tutor Ma Midi to reassure and settle the eastern region, and Ma Midi recruited Hua Xin as a clerk. On reaching Xu Province in the east, an edict appointed Hua Xin Administrator of Yuzhang. His government was quiet and free of burdensome interference, winning the officials' and people's grateful affection.

When Sun Ce conquered territory east of the river, Hua Xin recognized his military ability and went to receive him wearing an informal headcloth. Respecting him as an elder, Sun Ce treated him as an honored guest.

CommentaryHu Chong's Annals of Wu says: Before attacking Yuzhang, Sun Ce sent Yu Fan to persuade Hua Xin. Hua Xin answered: “I have long lived south of the river and have always wished to return north. When Administrator Sun of Kuaiji (Sun Ce) arrives, I shall leave.” Yu Fan reported this, and Sun Ce advanced. Hua Xin received him in a hempen headcloth. Sun Ce said: “Your age, virtue, and reputation draw admiration near and far. I am young and should observe the courtesies of a son or younger brother.” He bowed to Hua Xin. Hua Jiao's Genealogical Account says: Sun Ce occupied Yang Province and marched on Yuzhang with a powerful army. The whole commandery was terrified. Officials asked to go out to meet him, but Hua Xin instructed: “Do not.” As Sun Ce approached, they again requested that troops be sent; again he refused. When Sun Ce arrived, the entire office crowded to the inner door and asked to go out and avoid him. Hua Xin smiled: “He is about to come here himself. Why hurry away?” Soon an attendant announced General Sun's arrival. Sun Ce requested an audience, entered, and sat with Hua Xin. They discussed matters for a long time and parted only at night. Upright men who heard of it sighed deeply and inwardly acknowledged Hua Xin's greatness. Sun Ce personally adopted the courtesies of a son or grandson and honored him as a distinguished guest. Many worthy gentlemen from all regions had sought refuge south of the river. All ranked below Hua Xin and looked up to his example. At Sun Ce's great assemblies no one dared speak first. When Hua Xin rose to change clothes, however, discussion became clamorous. He could drink heavily—over a shi without confusion. Watching closely, people found it remarkable that he consistently kept his clothes and cap in order. The south called him “Hua Who Sits Alone.” [The precise implication of this sobriquet remains open.] Yu Pu's Biography of the Lands South of the River says: At Jiaoqiu, Sun Ce sent Yu Fan to persuade Hua Xin. After Yu Fan left, Hua Xin summoned Officer of Merit Liu Yi for consultation. Liu Yi urged him to remain in the city and send a formal dispatch welcoming the army. Hua Xin said: “Although appointed by Inspector Liu (Liu Yao), I was confirmed by the emperor and remain an official entrusted with a divided credential. If I follow your plan, I fear even death will leave blame unpaid.” Liu Yi answered: “Wang Jingxing (Wang Lang) was appointed by the Han court, and Kuaiji was then populous and strong, yet he received pardon. What need have you to worry?” That night they prepared the dispatch in advance. Next morning Hua Xin went outside the city and sent an official to carry it in welcome. Sun Ce advanced, met Hua Xin, honored him as a distinguished guest, and treated him as a friend. Sun Sheng says: A truly refined man living in the world must first judge when to remain hidden and when to appear, thereby determining whether to withdraw or serve. In adversity he closes his purse to preserve himself; in prosperity he practices righteousness to advance his principles. Hua Xin possessed neither Bo Yi's and the Four Elders' distant reserve nor the royal minister's selfless integrity. Thus his resolve was shaken by a misguided scholar's advice, and he submitted to an overbearing man. One mere youth took his office, and his integrity collapsed before his contemporaries. In antiquity the rulers of Xu and Cai lost their positions and were denied a place among the feudal lords. When the lord of Zhou came in person, the people of Lu regarded it as a degrading disgrace. Compared with Hua Xin, whose fault was greater?

After Sun Ce died, Taizu (Cao Cao), then at Guandu, memorialized to summon Hua Xin in the Son of Heaven's name. Sun Quan wished to keep him. Hua Xin said: “General, you uphold royal commands and have only recently established friendship with Lord Cao (Cao Cao). The obligations between you are not yet firm. If I can demonstrate your sincerity on your behalf, would that not be beneficial? Keeping me here without purpose merely means maintaining a useless object. That is no good plan for you.” Sun Quan was pleased and sent him away. Over a thousand guests and old acquaintances saw him off, offering gifts worth several hundred gold pieces. Hua Xin refused none but secretly marked each gift. At departure he assembled them all and told the guests: “I originally had no wish to reject your kindness, but what I have received has become very great. Traveling far in a single carriage, I fear that possessing such treasure will itself bring trouble. Please consider what I should do.” Each donor then kept his gift, and all admired his virtue.

On arrival, Hua Xin was appointed Consultant and adviser on the Minister of Works' military affairs. He entered the administration as a Master of Writing, transferred to Palace Attendant, and succeeded Xun Yu as Director of the Masters of Writing. When Taizu (Cao Cao) campaigned against Sun Quan, he memorialized to appoint Hua Xin Military Adviser. Upon Wei's establishment, Hua Xin became Censor-in-Chief. When Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) succeeded as king, he appointed Hua Xin Chancellor of State and enfeoffed him as Marquis of Anle District. Upon the imperial accession, his office was changed to Minister over the Masses.

CommentaryThe Book of Wei says: When Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) received the abdication, Hua Xin ascended the altar to assist with the ceremony and presented the imperial seal and ribbon, completing the rites of receiving the mandate. Hua Jiao's Genealogical Account says: At the abdication, court officials from the Three Excellencies downward all received ranks and titles. Hua Xin's expression, however, offended contemporary expectations. He was transferred to Minister over the Masses without advancement in noble rank. Emperor Wen of Wei (Cao Pi) remained displeased for a long time and asked Director of the Masters of Writing Chen Qun: “I answered Heaven and received the abdication. All the officials and lords showed their joy in voice and expression. Why did the Chancellor of State and you alone appear unhappy?” Chen Qun rose from his seat and knelt upright: “The Chancellor of State and I once served the Han court. Though our hearts rejoice, a sense of obligation showed upon our faces. We also feared how Your Majesty would truly respond and whether you might detest us. [The precise force of 實應且憎 in this reply is uncertain.]” The emperor was greatly pleased and thereafter treated them with special respect.

Hua Xin had always been incorruptible and poor. He distributed salary and gifts among relatives and old friends, leaving his household without even a small reserve of grain. When the highest ministers were jointly granted people confiscated into servitude, Hua Xin alone released his allotment and arranged their marriages. The emperor sighed in admiration.

CommentarySun Sheng says: I have heard that rewards and punishments must have their source in the sovereign; discretionary pardon or anger belongs to the ruler. When Zilu privately distributed food, Confucius destroyed his food vessels. When the Tian family appropriated generosity for itself, the Spring and Autumn tradition recorded criticism. These are established judgments of praise and blame, with plainly demonstrated principles. Families subjected to collective punishment were chastened by state law; households receiving them as gifts benefited from imperial favor. If compassion were appropriate, there was no reason to pardon only some. Hua Xin held a position as a limb of the state, sharing responsibility with its head. He should therefore have spoken openly at the imperial court to proclaim the sovereign's benevolence. Instead he silently accepted the fine gift and alone acted the gentleman. He both incurred suspicion of usurping the power to bestow blessings and violated the duty to reject what was improper. This may be called the benevolence of a private individual; it falls short of walking the Way. The Book of Wei says: Hua Xin was discreet by nature, meticulous and cautious in every action. He consistently held that a minister presenting business should chiefly seek to accord with the Way through indirect remonstrance. Even when he spoke, he did not venture to make it conspicuous. Many of his deeds were therefore not recorded. Hua Jiao's Genealogical Account says: Hua Xin was indifferent to wealth and desire. None of the other lords equaled the imperial gifts he received over time, yet he never built up property. Chen Qun often sighed: “Master Hua (Hua Xin) may be called accommodating without arrogance, pure without aloofness.” The Fuzi says: “May I ask who are today's gentlemen?” The answer: “Palace Gentleman Yuan (Yuan Huan) accumulates virtue and practices frugality; Grand Commandant Hua (Hua Xin) accumulates virtue and dwells in compliance with what is right. Their wisdom may be equaled, but their purity cannot. Loyal in serving above and humane in helping below, how could Yan Ying or Jisun Xingfu surpass them?”

An edict declared: “The Minister over the Masses is an eminent elder of the state, with whom I harmonize yin and yang and regulate the many affairs. It is most unreasonable that the imperial kitchens prepare double delicacies while he eats vegetables.” The emperor specially bestowed robes from his own wardrobe and had clothing made for Hua Xin's wife and children, male and female alike.

The offices of the Three Excellencies proposed: “Nomination as Filial and Incorrupt was originally based on moral conduct. It should no longer be restricted by examinations on the classics.” Hua Xin argued: “Since the disorders, the Six Classics have fallen into neglect. We must work to preserve and establish them in order to exalt the kingly Way. Laws are made to guide both flourishing and declining times. If Filial and Incorrupt nominees are now exempted from classical examinations, I fear that learning will consequently be abandoned. Anyone of exceptional talent can be specially summoned and employed. The difficulty is finding such people; why worry about being unable to appoint them?” The emperor accepted his advice.

During the Huangchu era, an edict ordered the highest ministers to recommend gentlemen of exceptional independent conduct. Hua Xin recommended Guan Ning, and the emperor summoned him with a comfortable carriage. When Emperor Ming (Cao Rui) ascended the throne, Hua Xin was advanced to Marquis of Boping, receiving five hundred additional households for a total of thirteen hundred, and transferred to Grand Commandant.

CommentaryThe Biographies of Marvels says: As a student, Hua Xin once lodged outside someone's door. The host's wife gave birth during the night. Shortly afterward two officials approached the gate, immediately stepped back, and said to one another: “An Excellency is here.” They hesitated for a long time until one said: “The register must be settled. How can we remain here?” They approached, bowed to Hua Xin, and went inside together. On leaving they walked side by side and discussed: “How many years should be granted?” One answered: “Three years.” At dawn Hua Xin departed. Later, wishing to test the event, he deliberately returned after three years to ask about the child and found it had indeed died. He then knew that he would become an Excellency. I, Pei Songzhi, note: The Spring and Autumn of Jin tells the same story of Wei Shu lodging away from home in youth. In principle it seems unlikely that both men experienced it; the difference probably arose in transmission. For now I prefer the Biographies of Marvels.

Pleading illness, Hua Xin requested retirement and offered his position to Guan Ning. The emperor refused. As a great assembly approached, he sent Regular Attendant Cavalier Miu Xi with an edict explaining his wishes: “I have newly assumed the many affairs of government and face countless decisions daily, fearing that my hearings and judgments may lack clarity. I depend upon virtuous ministers beside me, yet you repeatedly cite illness in asking to resign. There have indeed been men of antiquity who assessed a sovereign and chose not to remain at his court, abandoning honor and salary rather than completing their term. But the Duke of Zhou (Ji Dan) and Yi Yin were not such men. Keeping oneself pure and sacrificing for personal principle is something ordinary men do; it is not what I expect from you. Make an effort despite illness and attend the assembly, bestowing kindness upon me alone. I shall set out a seat, armrest, and mat and order all the officials to compose themselves while awaiting your arrival. Only then will I take my seat.” He also instructed Miu Xi: “Wait until Hua Xin has certainly risen before returning.” Hua Xin had no choice but to rise and attend.

During the Taihe era, Cao Zhen was sent to attack Shu by the Ziwu route, while the emperor traveled east to Xuchang. Hua Xin memorialized: “More than two twelve-year cycles have passed since warfare began. Great Wei has received Heaven's mandate, and Your Majesty's sage virtue accords with the flourishing age of Kings Cheng (Ji Song) and Kang (Ji Zhao). You should extend the good government of a new age and continue the example of the Three Kings. Although the two enemy powers rely on difficult terrain to prolong their lives, if sage transformation advances daily and distant peoples cherish your virtue, they will come carrying their children. Arms are employed only when unavoidable; they should therefore be restrained and used at the proper time. I sincerely hope Your Majesty will first attend to the way of governing and place conquest afterward. Transporting grain a thousand li is disadvantageous in war; penetrating deeply across difficult terrain does not ensure victory. I hear that this year's levies have considerably disrupted farming and sericulture. A state rests upon its people, and the people upon clothing and food. If the central territories suffer no hunger or cold and the people have no wish to leave their land, the realm will be fortunate indeed. We can then sit and await the two enemies' openings. I unworthily occupy a chief minister's place. Age and illness grow worse daily, and my dog's-and-horse's life is nearing its end. Fearing that I shall never again look upon the imperial canopy, I dare not withhold the full feelings of a subject and son. May Your Majesty judge them.” The emperor replied: “You have considered the state's plans deeply, and I greatly commend you. The enemies rely on mountains and rivers. Even the two ancestral rulers, despite their labors in earlier years, could not pacify them. How could I boast that I must destroy them? The generals believe that unless we make an attempt, there will be no way for the enemy to bring about its own collapse. We therefore display our forces to investigate an opening. If Heaven's moment has not arrived, King Wu of Zhou (Ji Fa)'s withdrawal is a precedent to heed. I respectfully remember your warning.” That autumn heavy rain fell, and an edict ordered Cao Zhen to withdraw his army.

In the fifth year of Taihe, Hua Xin died and received the posthumous title Marquis Jing (Hua Xin) <‘Reverent,’ a posthumous designation>.

His son Hua Biao succeeded him. Earlier, Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) had divided households from Hua Xin's fief to enfeoff his younger brother Hua Ji as a ranked marquis. During the Xianxi era, Hua Biao became a Master of Writing.

CommentaryHua Jiao's Genealogical Account says: Hua Xin had three sons. Hua Biao, courtesy name Weirong, became Gentleman Attendant Cavalier in his twenties. His fellow gentlemen reviewed the business of the Masters of Writing. Young and aggressively ambitious, they sought reputation. When documents arrived with points they considered inconvenient, they deliberately overlooked them. After the messengers left, they entered and attacked them with severe legal interpretations. Hua Biao alone did otherwise. Whenever business arrived with a difficulty, he discussed it fully with the responsible Master of Writing. Only if that official insisted and no agreement was possible did they submit their competing opinions together. Minister of Works Chen Qun and others praised him for this. Under Jin he successively served as Junior Tutor to the Crown Prince and Minister of Ceremonies. Pleading illness, he retired and was appointed Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. Pure and unassuming by nature, he constantly worried that government in the realm was deteriorating. Minister over the Masses Li Yin, Colonel Director of Retainers Wang Hong, and others often said: “Such a man cannot be made more exalted or more base, more intimate or more distant.” Hua Xin's middle son Hua Bo successively served as internal administrator in three local jurisdictions [三縣內史, the wording of the supplied text] and left a reputation for good government. His youngest son Hua Zhou, Gentleman of the Yellow Gates and Administrator of Changshan, was widely learned and gifted in literary thought. Illness struck him in middle age, and he died at home. Hua Biao had three sons. The eldest, Hua Yi (華廙), had the courtesy name Changjun. The Eulogies of the Lords of Jin says: Hua Yi possessed literary talent, rose through Director of the Masters of Writing and Junior Tutor to the Crown Prince, and was posthumously granted Grand Master of Splendid Happiness with authority to establish a ministerial staff. Hua Jiao, courtesy name Shujun, was talented and learned. He wrote the Book of Later Han, praised in his time as excellent history, and served as Director of the Palace Library and Master of Writing. Hua Dan, courtesy name Xuanjun, was the most renowned and became Intendant of Henan. Hua Yi had three sons. Hua Kun, courtesy name Jinglun, was pure, disciplined, and a Master of Writing. Hua Hui, courtesy name Jingshu, is praised by the Shiyu for valuing rectitude. Hua Heng, courtesy name Jingze, was known for understanding principles. Hua Kun became Master of Writing; Hua Hui, Intendant of Henan; Hua Heng, Grand Master of Splendid Happiness of the Left with authority to establish a staff. Hua Dan's son Hua Yi (華軼), courtesy name Yanxia, had talents and ambitions suited to his age and became Inspector of Jiang Province.

Wang Lang, courtesy name Jingxing, was from Donghai Commandery. His mastery of the classics won him appointment as Palace Gentleman, followed by Chief of Ziqiu. He studied under Grand Commandant Yang Ci and abandoned office to observe mourning when Yang Ci died. He declined nomination as Filial and Incorrupt and recruitment by a high ministerial office. Tao Qian, Inspector of Xu Province, nominated him as Flourishing Talent. The Han emperor was then at Chang'an and armies had risen in the east. As Tao Qian's Administrative Attendant, Wang Lang joined Assistant Administrator Zhao Yu and others in advising: “According to the Spring and Autumn Annals, nothing better wins the support of the lords than diligently serving the king. The Son of Heaven is now far away in the western capital. You should send an envoy to uphold his commands.” Tao Qian sent Zhao Yu with a memorial to Chang'an. Pleased with his intention, the emperor appointed Tao Qian General Who Pacifies the East, Zhao Yu Administrator of Guangling, and Wang Lang Administrator of Kuaiji.

Sun Ce crossed the river to conquer territory. Wang Lang's Officer of Merit Yu Fan argued that they lacked the strength to resist and should withdraw. Considering himself a Han official duty-bound to defend the towns, Wang Lang instead raised troops to fight Sun Ce and was defeated. He sailed to Dongye, but Sun Ce pursued and routed him again. Wang Lang then presented himself to Sun Ce. Respecting his Confucian refinement, Sun Ce rebuked him but did not kill him.

CommentaryThe Spring and Autumn of Emperor Xian (Liu Xie) <Offering Emperor; a posthumous imperial title> says: Sun Ce led his army toward Min and Yue against Wang Lang. Wang Lang put to sea, intending to flee to Jiao Province, but military pressure forced him to surrender at the camp. Sun Ce sent an envoy to interrogate him: “Ask the rebel, former Administrator of Kuaiji Wang Lang: Having received state favor and held office, why did you not consider repaying that kindness but instead rely on troops and persist without scruple? When the great army attacked, you were fortunate to escape beheading and extermination. Yet instead of clearing away your resistance, you gathered followers again and camped within the commandery, forcing royal punishment to pursue you far away. To the end you failed to recognize obedience. Now that you have been caught, you call it surrender, hoping through deceit to preserve your head. Can that be allowed? Give a full account.” Calling himself a captive, Wang Lang answered: “With petty ability I mistakenly received the court's favor, accepted rank without declining, and thereby encountered the net of guilt. When attacked before, I feared death and sought any escape. I arranged what I could for my people and possessions, hoping to preserve life for a moment. Again pressed by a great army, I withdrew north in terror. My followers became ill, and almost all died. Alone with my aged mother upon a single small raft, I abandoned it and accepted capture as soon as arrows began to fly, bowing my forehead to the ground and surrendering amid the campaign. Confused and ignorant, I called myself a surrendered prisoner. Because of my earlier error, your interrogation fills me with shame and fear. Foolish, shallow, weak, and cowardly, I was terrified by your authority. Nor had I a worthy intermediary, and I failed to submit early. Only in ruin did I entrust my life to your lowest servants. My person is insignificant, my guilt great; death would leave punishment still owing. I extend my neck for the yoke and thrust my feet into the bonds. I await your voice at every command and will go east or west as ordered.”

Although wandering in extreme hardship, unable in the morning to plan for evening, Wang Lang took in and supported relatives and old friends. Whether his resources were many or few, he shared them, gaining great distinction for righteous conduct.

Taizu (Cao Cao) memorialized to summon him. From Qu'a, Wang Lang traveled circuitously by river and sea, reaching his destination only after several years.

CommentaryBefore Wang Lang arrived in response to the summons, Kong Rong wrote: “The roads of the world are blocked, and affectionate inquiries have ceased, increasing my longing. I recently saw your memorial, in which you followed Tang (Zi Lü) and King Wu (Ji Fa) <Martial King; a posthumous royal title> in blaming yourself and cast yourself into the eastern wilderness, sharing Gun's punishment. Before I finished reading, tears were falling. Our sovereign is generous and humane, honoring virtue and pardoning faults. Lord Cao (Cao Cao) assists the government and seeks worthy men to stand beside him. Repeated formal summonses show earnest goodwill. I learn that you have rowed over the sea and halted at Guangling. Who expected the yellow creature [黃能, variously interpreted as a bear or turtle-like creature] to emerge from the depths of Yu? We shall have a time to talk and laugh together. Make the effort to come and take care of yourself!” The Spring and Autumn of Han and Jin says: When Sun Ce first captured Wang Lang, he rebuked him and had Zhang Zhao question him privately. Wang Lang swore not to submit. Sun Ce was angry but did not venture to harm him, keeping him at Qu'a. In the third year of Jian'an, Taizu (Cao Cao) memorialized to summon Wang Lang, and Sun Ce sent him away. Taizu (Cao Cao) asked: “How did Sun Ce achieve his present position?” Wang Lang answered: “His courage surpasses his generation, and he has outstanding talent and great ambition. Zhang Zibu (Zhang Zhao), a man admired by the people, faces north to serve him as counselor. Zhou Gongjin (Zhou Yu), an outstanding man of the Jiang and Huai, bares his arms as his general. Their plans succeed, and their designs are not small. He will ultimately be a great menace to the realm, no mere petty thief.”

Wang Lang was appointed Grand Master of Remonstrance and adviser on the Minister of Works' military affairs.

CommentaryThe Wang Family Biography says: In youth Wang Lang befriended Liu Yang, a celebrated man of Pei State. Liu Yang became Magistrate of Ju and died at thirty, so later generations seldom heard of him. Earlier, seeing the Han house gradually weaken and recognizing Taizu (Cao Cao)'s formidable ability, Liu Yang feared that he would become a danger to Han. He intended to remove him, but circumstances did not permit it. When Taizu (Cao Cao) gained power, he urgently sought Liu Yang's heir. The son was terrified and could find nowhere to hide. Though Liu Yang had many relatives and old friends, none dared shelter him. Wang Lang took him in for years. After returning from Kuaiji, Wang Lang repeatedly pleaded his case. Taizu (Cao Cao) eventually pardoned him, and Liu Yang's family was preserved.

When Wei was established, Wang Lang became Military Libationer and concurrent Administrator of Wei Commandery. He was promoted successively to Privy Treasurer, Minister of Ceremonies, and Chief Judge. He emphasized leniency and gave the lighter sentence when guilt was doubtful. Zhong Yao examined cases clearly and applied the law precisely. Both won praise for judicial administration.

CommentaryThe Weilüe says: Taizu (Cao Cao) invited Wang Lang to a gathering and joked: “I cannot imitate your former practice of preparing polished rice at Kuaiji.” Wang Lang looked up and sighed: “The right occasion is hard to meet!” Asked what he meant, he answered: “In my former circumstances I prepared it when the occasion did not justify it. In your present circumstances, My Lord, you could do so but do not.” [The precise force of 折 in this exchange remains uncertain.] Taizu (Cao Cao) consulted Wang Lang when Sun Quan declared himself a subject and sent tribute. Wang Lang answered: “In his earlier letter, Sun Quan pledged personally to attack the enemy to make amends for previous offenses. In his later memorial he calls himself a subject, demonstrating undivided allegiance. Tusked beasts bend their knees and speaking birds announce joy; bright pearls, southern gold, and distant treasures will surely arrive. His intentions appear in his words and their effects in his achievements. The Three Rivers and Five Lakes become Wei's ponds, while western Wu and eastern Yue turn into its subjects. With Yan and Ying captured, Jing's gates open by themselves. The strategic conditions for sweeping up Ba and Shu are already formed. Great blessings and repeated celebrations follow one another in abundance. On receiving the news I clapped my hands and beat time. Words cannot express the feelings stored within.”

When Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) succeeded as king, Wang Lang was promoted to Censor-in-Chief and enfeoffed as Marquis of Anling Village. He memorialized to encourage nurturing the people and reducing punishments: “More than thirty years have passed since armies rose. The realm has been overturned and all states exhausted. Through the late king's elimination of robbers and care for the orphaned and weak, the central lands have recovered order. He gathered the people within Wei's territory, so that chickens and dogs can now be heard throughout its borders and the multitude joyfully welcomes peace. Distant enemies have not yet submitted, however, and military service has not ceased. If exemptions attract distant people and good administrators spread benevolence, fields will all be cultivated and the four occupations flourish. Prosperity must surpass the troubled past and exceed ordinary peaceful times. The Changes speaks of making the laws clear, and the Documents records auspicious punishments: ‘When the one man enjoys blessings, the multitude depends upon them.’ This means care in law and judgment. “Chancellor Cao Can treated prisons and markets as matters requiring special care; Lu Wenshu detested the abuses of judicial officials. When judges discover the truth, no prisoner dies unjustly. When able-bodied men can fully employ the land, no people starve. When the destitute elderly can look to public granaries for food, none die of hunger. When marriages occur at the proper age, neither men nor women suffer the resentment of remaining unmarried. When unborn children are fully protected, pregnant women do not grieve at having to harm themselves. When households with newborns receive exemptions, infants do not suffer abandonment. When service begins only at maturity, children do not pine after homes from which they have been taken. When the gray-haired do not campaign, the elderly do not suffer collapse. Treat disease with medicine, lighten labor service so people enjoy their occupations, use stern penalties to restrain the strong, humane kindness to sustain the weak, and relief and loans to supply the needy. In ten years, girls of marriageable age will fill the lanes; in twenty years, men fit to bear arms will fill the countryside.”

When Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) ascended the imperial throne, Wang Lang's office was changed to Minister of Works, and his fief advanced to Marquis of Leping District.

CommentaryThe Memorials of Wei's Distinguished Ministers records Wang Lang's memorial on reducing expenditure: “The edict asks what should be reduced or increased. It must refer to the institutions of the eastern capital. As for those of the western capital—the great sacrifices at Yunyang and Fenyin, the fifteen hundred other cults, worship at the Terrace Communicating with Heaven, entry into the Epang Palace, fasting for a hundred days, raising sacrificial animals for five years, three thousand cattle and seven thousand precious jades; ritual furnishings with patterned silk adorning layered mats and maidens performing the linked dances; strong sacrificial wine requiring three seasons to mature and a full complement of three thousand four hundred musicians; nearly a thousand beauties in the inner palace and over seven thousand officials and erudites in the schools; more than sixty thousand horses for the central stables and thirty thousand keepers for outside pastures with ten times that many horses; six hundred mounted attendants for the Bearer of the Gilded Mace and twice as many runners; a thousand red carriages for the Minister of Ceremonies' visits to the tombs, six thousand government slaves assigned to the imperial kitchens, three thousand officials governing the people within Chang'an, and twenty-five prisons in which officials of the fully two-thousand-shi rank adjudicated offenses—all made government crowded, business excessive, and ceremonial display profuse. They exceeded the Three Dynasties and approached a violation of proper ritual moderation. Such extreme extravagance was largely inherited from Qin. “This departed from the sincere simplicity symbolized by a sacrificial calf with horns no larger than a cocoon or chestnut, and from the ease of sweeping the ground for worship. It also lost the purpose of restoring substance, reducing ornament, avoiding excess, and embracing restraint. How could these be models for our present flourishing and enlightened age, which follows Yao and Shun, cuts luxury to pursue thrift, eliminates complexity to honor economy, and scrutinizes penalties with care? Daily full-animal sacrifices at the imperial temples, ancestral temples established in every commandery and state, and the numbers of staff and attendants attached to the Chancellor and Censor-in-Chief had already been repeatedly changed before Emperors Ai (Liu Xin) and Ping (Liu Kan), and were no longer practiced after Emperor Guangwu (Liu Xiu) <Luminous Martial Emperor; a posthumous imperial title>. “Examining the plans and records, the sites for Heaven and Earth, the Five Emperors, the Six Honored Powers, the ancestral temples, and the altars of soil and grain used the precincts of former dynasties. [The preceding wording 所改秦 is unclear in the supplied text; its exact reference remains uncertain.] For Heaven and Earth the ground was swept for sacrifice; the others had altars and boundaries. The Hall of Light served to worship the Supreme Deity, the Spiritual Terrace to observe celestial patterns, the Circular Moat Hall to cultivate ritual and music, the Imperial Academy to assemble Confucian scholars, and the High Matchmaker's altar to pray for blessings. These also helped examine seasonal affairs and spread moral instruction. Following the ancient people, they opened the way to great prosperity. Formerly they stood south of the capital, with tall halls and ample buildings sufficient for ceremonial feasting and archery and observing clouds and signs. Though the seven suburban sacrificial sites honored simplicity, all had gates, buildings, and resting rooms to shelter from wind and rain. Their gradual restoration can await the end of campaigning and a prosperous year. “In former times the Tiger Guards, Feathered Forest, Five Encampments, and palace guards together numbered about ten thousand. Some were idle sons of merchants, others cautious but dull men from farming villages. Although assigned to regulated establishments, they did not practice battle formations. Neither carefully selected nor trained, and rarely tested against enemies, they failed to match their names and could scarcely meet emergencies. Troops were recruited only after an alarm and grain transported only after an army marched. Sometimes armies remained long in camp without farming, repairing equipment, or building reserves. One corner received urgent feathered dispatches, and three sides fell into panic. These too were failings of recent Han and must not be imitated. “The central lands are now secure, but Ba and Shu remain outside our boundary. Although we cannot yet put away weapons, release the horses, and rest the troops, we should use an abundant year to embed military administration in agriculture. Officials and soldiers, high and low, should all cultivate crops. At rest they form farming settlements in the open country; in action they form units within the armies. Reduce harsh service and provide their clothing and food. The Changes says: ‘When the people are employed with joy, they forget their toil; when they face danger with joy, they forget death.’ This describes the present opportunity. Store grain to sustain the army and courage in a strong strategic position. Even while we sit displaying formidable authority without moving the host, peoples beyond our borders must bow their heads and ask to amend their conduct and serve. If fear of our might brings submission and settlement without battle, that is far better than establishing authority through fighting and achieving success only after blades cross. If the wicked remain unreformed and persist in delusion, they will still be using people whom they oppress to oppose Great Wei's men, who give their lives in repayment for being nurtured. Then calmly lead our host, singing before and dancing behind in joyful expedition, against men eager to reverse their spears, break their arrows, and submit. Even crushing rotten wood would be an inadequate comparison.”

The emperor then frequently went hunting and sometimes returned to the palace after dark. Wang Lang memorialized: “An emperor's residence has ordered guards outside and successive protected gates within. Before departure, troops are posted before he leaves the chamber; warnings are called before he steps onto the court; bows are drawn before he mounts the carriage; roads are cleared before the procession leads off; guards take their places before the wheels turn; resting quarters are secured before the carriage halts. All this displays supreme dignity, ensures caution, and establishes an instructive model. Recently Your Majesty went out to watch the capture of tigers, departing as the sun declined and returning at dusk. This violated the regular precautions of an imperial procession and was not the utmost care due to a ruler of ten thousand chariots.” The emperor replied: “Having read your memorial, I find that even Wei Jiang's citation of the Forester's Admonition to remonstrate with Duke Dao of Jin (Ji Zhou), and Sima Xiangru's account of fierce beasts to warn Emperor Wu of Han (Liu Che) <Martial Emperor; a posthumous imperial title>, cannot surpass it. Since the two enemies remain unconquered and the generals campaign far away, I sometimes go into the countryside to practice military preparedness. As for your warning against returning at night, I have already ordered the responsible authorities to act upon it.”

CommentaryThe Collected Works of Wang Lang records his recommendation, while Chief Judge, of his registrar Zhang Deng of Zhao Commandery: “As registrar of his home county, Zhang Deng encountered the Black Mountain rebels' siege of the commandery. He and county chief Wang Jun led seventy-two officials and soldiers directly to the rescue. In battle their men scattered. Wang Jun nearly died, but Zhang Deng fought two rebels with his own hands and saved his life. Later, when acting chief Xia Yi was falsely accused by an inspector, Zhang Deng personally endured interrogation and torture to vindicate him. Through righteousness he saved two superiors and deserves conspicuous recognition.” Taizu (Cao Cao), pressed by many urgent tasks, had no opportunity to promote him. Early in Huangchu, Wang Lang again joined Grand Commandant Zhong Yao in a memorial, also praising Zhang Deng's diligence in office. An edict declared: “Zhang Deng's loyalty and righteousness are manifest, and his service diligent. Although his rank is low, his candor and integrity should be honored. The close responsibility of preparing the imperial food requires such an official. Appoint him Director of the Imperial Kitchens.”

Earlier, late in Jian'an, Sun Quan first sent an envoy declaring himself a vassal while fighting Liu Bei. An edict asked whether troops should be raised to join Wu in taking Shu. Wang Lang argued: “The Son of Heaven's army carries greater weight than Mount Hua or Mount Dai. It should sit displaying heavenly authority, unmoving as a mountain. Suppose Sun Quan personally confronts the Shu enemy and fights for a long time, with equal strategy and strength and no quick decision. Only when the situation requires our army to complete his advantage should we select a prudent general to hold the enemy's vital points, choose the moment before acting, and choose the terrain before advancing. A single action could then leave nothing unfinished. Now Sun Quan's army has not moved. There is no reason for an army assisting Wu to march first. Moreover, the rains are at their height: this is no time to move a host.” The emperor accepted his plan. During Huangchu, pelicans gathered at Lingzhi Pool, and an edict ordered the highest ministers to recommend gentlemen of exceptional independent conduct. Wang Lang recommended Grand Master of Splendid Happiness Yang Biao and, pleading illness, offered his own office to him. The emperor established a staff and soldiers for Yang Biao and placed him immediately after the Three Excellencies. An edict told Wang Lang: “I sought a worthy man from you but have not obtained him, and now you suddenly plead illness. Not only have I failed to gain a worthy man; you open a path to losing one and further imperil the jade handles of the state's cauldron. Is this not like remaining in one's chamber and uttering ill-chosen words that alienate gentlemen? Make no further excuses.” Wang Lang then rose to resume service.

Sun Quan wished to send his son Sun Deng to attend the court, but he did not arrive. At this time the imperial court moved to Xuchang, expanded agricultural colonies, and intended to raise an army for an eastern campaign. Wang Lang memorialized: “When Nanyue maintained good relations, Zhao Yingqi entered court attendance and subsequently became heir and returned to rule his state. Kangju was arrogant and deceitful, and its intentions did not match its words. The Protector-General proposed sending its attendant prince home to censure its discourtesy. Moreover, the disaster of Liu Bi, King of Wu, began with his son's visit to court, and Wei Xiao rebelled without regard for his son there. Earlier we heard that Sun Quan intended to send his son, but the son has not arrived. Now the six armies are on alert. I fear that common opinion has not understood Your Majesty's purpose and will suppose that the state is angry at Sun Deng's delay and raises troops for that reason. If the army marches and Sun Deng then arrives, we shall have mobilized something immense to obtain something very small—hardly grounds for celebration. If he remains arrogant and has no intention of coming, I fear that people who do not understand will all feel distressed. I humbly propose that generals commanding separate expeditions be instructed to uphold prohibitions clearly and carefully guard their assigned regions. Display formidable authority outside and expand cultivation within. Let us remain still as a mountain and calm as deep water, our position immovable and our plans unfathomable.” Since the army had already been assembled, the emperor proceeded. Sun Quan's son did not come, and the imperial carriage reached the river and returned.

CommentaryThe Book of Wei says: After returning, the emperor issued an edict to the Three Excellencies: “Three successive generations serving as generals is something the masters of the Way warn against. Exhausting troops and abusing force have been condemned since antiquity. Moreover, floods and droughts in successive years have diminished officials and people, while construction exceeds former levels and labor service is heavier than before. Advancing, we have not destroyed the enemy; withdrawing, we have not brought harmony to the people. When the roof leaks above, those below know it. Yet one who recognizes his error and returns has not strayed far from the Way; one who corrects a fault may be said to have none. We shall now rest, lodge our military preparedness in high mountains, and sink our power into the ninefold depths. We shall cut away, reject, and cast beyond our boundaries what should be discarded. The imperial carriage will reach Qiao in the middle of this month. The armies along the Huai and Han will also return separately, going west before the year-end sacrifice.”

When Emperor Ming (Cao Rui) ascended the throne, Wang Lang was advanced to Marquis of Lanling, receiving five hundred additional households for a total of twelve hundred. Sent to Ye to inspect the tomb of Empress Wenzhao (Zhen Shi) <Cultured and Luminous Empress; a posthumous title>, he saw that some common people lacked necessities. Palace construction was then under way. Wang Lang memorialized: “Since Your Majesty's accession, generous edicts have repeatedly been proclaimed, and all the people rejoice. Recently, traveling north on your mission, I heard along the road of many labor services that could be exempted, reduced, or abolished. I hope Your Majesty will again devote the attentive hours after midday to plans for controlling the enemy. When great Yu wished to rescue the realm from calamity, he first humbled his palaces and economized on clothing and food. Thus he could possess the Nine Provinces and establish the Five Zones of Service. When Goujian wished to extend his frontier at Yu'er—

“—and take Fuchai's head at Gusu, he likewise restrained himself and his household, economizing at home to provide for the state. Thus he encompassed the Five Lakes, swept up the Three Rivers, imposed his authority on the central states, and established hegemony in the Chinese realm. Emperors Wen (Liu Heng) and Jing (Liu Qi) of Han also wished to enlarge their ancestral achievements and strengthen their great inheritance. They therefore renounced a terrace costing a hundred gold pieces, displayed thrift in dark coarse-silk robes, reduced the imperial kitchens and refused tribute within, and reduced labor service and taxation while promoting farming and sericulture outside. Thus their age was called peaceful and nearly achieved the disuse of punishment. Emperor Xiaowu (Liu Che) <Filial and Martial Emperor; a posthumous title> could deploy his armies and expand his frontiers because his father and forefathers had accumulated abundant stores. This enabled his great achievements. Even Huo Qubing, a general of ordinary talent, refused to build a mansion while the Xiongnu remained unconquered. This shows that those concerned with distant affairs simplify nearby ones, and those occupied abroad reduce burdens at home. “From Han's beginning to its restoration, elaborate palace towers and the Deyang Hall arose only after warfare had largely subsided. Now the space before Jianshi is sufficient for court assemblies, the area behind Chonghua for arranging the inner palace, and Hualin and Tianyuan for excursions and feasts. First complete the towers at Changhe sufficiently to receive tribute from distant peoples, and repair the walls and moats sufficiently to prevent intrusion and secure the state. Let everything else await a prosperous year. Concentrate on encouraging agriculture and practicing military preparedness. Then the state will have no resentful unmarried people, households and population will multiply, and the people will be abundant and the army strong. Never has such a state failed to receive the submission of hostile peoples or lacked flourishing prosperity.” Wang Lang was transferred to Minister over the Masses.

At this time imperial sons repeatedly died, and few women in the inner palace reached childbirth. Wang Lang memorialized: “King Wen of Zhou (Ji Chang) had King Wu (Ji Fa) at fifteen and eventually enjoyed the blessing of ten sons, extending the Ji lineage. King Wu (Ji Fa) was already old when King Cheng (Ji Song) <Accomplished King; a posthumous royal title> was born, so King Cheng (Ji Song) had few brothers. Both kings established sage virtue, neither surpassing the other; yet their blessings in descendants differed. This was because children may be born early or late, and offspring may be many or few. Your Majesty possesses the virtue and fortune of both sages and is older than King Wen (Ji Chang) <Civil King; a posthumous royal title> was when he fathered King Wu (Ji Fa). Yet a son like Fa (Ji Fa) has not been raised in the fragrant inner chambers, and princely sons have not multiplied in the many rooms of the palace. Compared with King Cheng (Ji Song)'s birth, it is not yet late; compared with Boyi (Bo Yikao), it is not early. “The Rites of Zhou provides for one hundred and twenty women in the six palaces, while the common explanations of the classics set a limit of twelve. Toward the end of Qin and Han they sometimes numbered hundreds or thousands. Yet even with such numbers, women reaching timely childbirth in the auspicious chambers were sometimes very few. Clearly the basis of ‘a hundred sons’ lies in concentrated purpose, not merely in increasing numbers. This old servant earnestly wishes the state blessings like the Yellow Emperor (traditionally Gongsun Xuanyuan)'s five-times-five sons. That we have not yet reached King Wen of Zhou (Ji Chang)'s twice-five causes me distress. Moreover, small children commonly suffer from bedding that is too warm. Excessive warmth does not suit their tender skin and weak bodies, making them difficult to protect and easily affected by illness. If their padded robes are consistently kept from being too thick, they will surely preserve constitutions firm as metal and stone and enjoy longevity like the southern mountains.” The emperor replied: “Utmost loyalty speaks earnestly; deep affection speaks profoundly. You have not only labored in thought but written personally to assist me. Reading your gracious words three times, I rejoice without measure. My succession remains unestablished and causes you anxiety. I reverently receive your sincere words and hope to hear further sound advice.” Wang Lang wrote commentaries on the Changes, Spring and Autumn Annals, Classic of Filial Piety, and Offices of Zhou. His memorials, discussions, and records all circulated in the world.

He died in the second year of Taihe and received the posthumous title Marquis Cheng (Wang Lang) <‘Accomplished,’ a posthumous designation>. His son Wang Su succeeded him. Earlier, Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) had divided households from Wang Lang's fief to enfeoff one of his sons as a ranked marquis. Wang Lang requested that his elder brother's son Wang Xiang receive it instead.

Wang Su, courtesy name Ziyong, studied the Supreme Mystery under Song Zhong at eighteen and composed a new explanation of it.

During the Huangchu era Wang Su became Cavalier Gentleman of the Yellow Gates. In the third year of Taihe he was appointed Regular Attendant Cavalier. In the fourth year, when Grand Marshal Cao Zhen campaigned against Shu, Wang Su memorialized: “Earlier records say: ‘When grain is transported a thousand li, soldiers look hungry; when fuel and fodder must be gathered before cooking, the army does not remain well fed.’ This refers to an army traveling over level roads. How much more exhausting must it be to penetrate difficult country and cut a road forward! The labor must increase a hundredfold. Now prolonged rain adds steep and slippery mountain slopes. The host is compressed and cannot deploy; its distant food supply is difficult to maintain. These are grave dangers for an army. I hear that Cao Zhen has been away over a month but has barely covered half the valley. All the soldiers are working on the road. The enemy alone enjoys ease while awaiting our exhausted men—precisely what military commanders fear. In ancient times, King Wu (Ji Fa) attacked Zhou (Zi Shou) but turned back after leaving the pass. In recent times, Emperors Wu (Cao Cao) and Wen (Cao Pi) campaigned against Sun Quan but reached the river without crossing. Was this not obeying Heaven, recognizing the proper time, and understanding adaptation? If the people know that Your Majesty rests the army because rain and floods make the undertaking difficult, and later exploits an opening when it appears, this will be what is meant by facing danger with joy so that the people forget death.” The campaign was accordingly halted. He also memorialized that the old rites should be followed in mourning great ministers and presenting seasonal fruit at the ancestral temples. Both proposals were implemented. He further submitted a memorial on the foundations of government: “Eliminate offices without business, reduce salaries that are not urgently needed, stop the expense of men maintained merely to eat, and combine leisurely posts. Every official should have a function, every function its responsible duty, and every duty its salary to replace farming. This was the constant pattern of antiquity and is appropriate today. With fewer officials and adequate salaries, state expenditure will diminish and men will be encouraged to seek office. Encouraged to serve, each will exert his talents and rely on no one else. Let them present their explanations in words and be tested clearly through achievement. Their fitness or unfitness will then lie open before the emperor. “Thus under Tang and Yu offices and duties were assigned, repeated commands given to the highest ministers, and each had his own business. Only Long was appointed Receiver of Words, equivalent to the present Masters of Writing, simply conveying imperial commands inward and outward. The arrangements of Xia and Yin cannot be known in detail. The Oath at Gan speaks of ‘men of the six duties,’ showing that the Six Ministers likewise managed actual affairs. Zhou's offices are fully recorded: the ruler held court every five days, the highest ministers and grand masters advanced together, and the Officer of Gentlemen distinguished their places. The record says: ‘Those who sit and discuss the Way are called kings and highest ministers; those who rise and practice it are called gentlemen and grand masters.’ Early Han followed the former ages, with ministers personally presenting business at court. Thus Gaozu of Han (Liu Bang) <High Ancestor; the founding Han emperor> personally pursued Zhou Chang when he turned and fled; Emperor Wu of Han (Liu Che) approved Ji An's report from a distance; Emperor Xuan of Han (Liu Xun) <Proclaiming Emperor; a posthumous imperial title> had the ministers attend every five days. Emperor Cheng of Han (Liu Ao) <Accomplished Emperor; a posthumous imperial title> first established five Masters of Writing. Thereafter standards declined and court ritual fell into disuse. Restore the audience every five days, allowing the highest ministers and Masters of Writing each to present their business. Reviving abandoned ritual and gloriously proclaiming the sage inheritance would truly combine a fine name with substantial benefit.”

During the Qinglong era, the Duke of Shanyang (Liu Xie) <the territorial title granted after the Han abdication>, the former Han sovereign, died. Wang Su memorialized: “When Tang ceded to Yu and Yu to Xia, the successors completed three years of mourning before assuming the supreme position. Thus the imperial title suffered no diminution and the rites of rulership survived. The Duke of Shanyang (Liu Xie) obeyed Heaven's mandate and answered the people's expectations, advancing to yield to Great Wei and withdrawing to the place of an honored guest. In serving Wei, he never dared withhold his full loyalty. Wei, in treating him, gave exceptional honor without making him a subject. At his death, the coffin and shrouding arrangements and the ornament of the funeral carriage and escort have all matched those of a sovereign. People near and far therefore acknowledge our humanity and regard this as a great excellence. “Han combined the designations huang and di in the title huangdi, ‘emperor.’ Di can be used separately, but huang is not used independently in that way, so huang is the lesser designation. Thus in Gaozu of Han (Liu Bang)'s time, although the land had no two kings, his living father was allowed to be called huang, showing that this did not imply a rival sovereign. How much more appropriate to grant it at death! He may be called huang in conjunction with his posthumous designation.” Emperor Ming (Cao Rui) did not accept the proposal to call him huang alone, but posthumously titled him Emperor Xiaoxian of Han (Liu Xie) <Filial and Offering Emperor; a posthumous imperial title>.

CommentarySun Sheng says: One whose transforming influence accords with the spirits is called huang; one whose virtue accords with Heaven is called di. Thus the Three Huang first established the designation, followed by the Five Di. Huang is therefore a more exalted term than di. Was Wang Su not mistaken in calling it lesser? I, Pei Songzhi, consider that the order of the ancient designations—first Huang, then Di, followed by the respective numbers three and five—is indeed as Sun Sheng says. Yet although Han emperors honored their fathers as huang, those fathers actually possessed dignity without office and elevation without subjects. Compared with a reigning di, can this not be called lesser? Wei followed Han ritual without changing its titles. When Emperor Xiaoxian (Liu Xie) died, how could one reach far back to apply ancient meanings? Wang Su was speaking specifically of Han institutions. To call his statement mistaken is to criticize Han, not to refute Wang Su.

Later Wang Su, retaining his Regular Attendant post, concurrently directed the Palace Library and served as Libationer of the Hall for Honoring Literature. During the Jingchu era, palace construction flourished, the people lost their agricultural work, promised deadlines were not honored, and punishments and executions were imposed abruptly. Wang Su memorialized: “Great Wei has inherited the exhaustion of successive dynasties. Few people remain alive, and warfare has not ceased. This is truly a time to rest the people and benefit them with tranquility, settling those near and far. Accumulating reserves and resting the exhausted depend on reducing labor service and promoting cultivation. Now palaces remain unfinished and projects incomplete. Transport, levies, and supplies follow one another. Able-bodied men are exhausted by labor, and farmers leave their fields. Few sow grain while many consume it. Old grain is gone and new grain cannot replace it. This is a state's great danger, no lasting plan of preparation. “There are now thirty or forty thousand workers. Jiulong can comfortably house Your Majesty and contains sufficient space for the six palaces; Xianyang Hall is also nearing completion. Only the work before Taiji remains extensive, and severe winter approaches, when illness may arise. I sincerely hope Your Majesty will proclaim gracious words and an enlightened edict, deeply pitying the laborers' exhaustion and the people's want. From those regularly supplied by public granaries and not needed for urgent duties, choose ten thousand able-bodied men to remain and replace them after a year. If all know when their relief will come, they will gladly undertake the work and labor without resentment. This provides three million six hundred thousand man-days a year [interpreting the stated 夫 as the annual total of labor days], no small amount. Allow what was to be finished in one year to take three. Send all the rest back to farming: this is a plan of lasting value. With overflowing grain in the granaries and spare strength among the people, what project could not be completed and what transformation achieved? “Trust with the people is a state's great treasure. Confucius said: ‘Since antiquity all have died, but without trust the people cannot stand.’ Even the small state of Jin and its modest ruler Chong'er (Ji Chong'er), when wishing to employ the people, first demonstrated trust. Thus, though Yuan was about to surrender, he withdrew to keep his promise. He could then gain hegemony with one battle and remains praised today. Recently, when Your Majesty was to visit Luoyang, people were levied to build a camp. The authorities promised dismissal when it was finished. Once it was complete, they valued the workers' labor and failed to release them on time. They pursued only immediate profit and neglected the principles of governing a state. I humbly propose that future labor levies be announced clearly and always end on the promised date. If further work follows, better make a fresh levy than break trust. “All the officials whom Your Majesty punishes on the spot are guilty men deserving death. Yet the multitude does not know this and calls the executions hasty. I hope Your Majesty will send them to the judicial officials and publicly proclaim their offenses. If they must die, do not stain the palace precincts and create suspicion near and far. Human life is supremely weighty: hard to bring into being, easy to destroy, and impossible to restore once breath ceases. Sages and worthies therefore value it. Meng Ke said that a humane man would not kill one innocent person to obtain the realm. “In Han times, a man violated the cleared imperial road and startled the emperor's horses. Commandant of Justice Zhang Shizhi proposed a fine. Emperor Wen (Liu Heng) found it too light, but Zhang Shizhi said: ‘At the time, Your Majesty could have ordered him killed and that would have been the end. Now he has been sent to the Commandant of Justice. This office is the realm's standard of fairness. If it bends once, laws everywhere will become arbitrarily light or heavy. Where could the people place their hands and feet?’ I consider this a grave failure of principle, not something a loyal minister should say. Even the Commandant of Justice, the emperor's subordinate, must not depart from fairness. May the emperor himself instead be confused and mistaken? This places importance on oneself and little on one's sovereign: the utmost disloyalty. The Duke of Zhou (Ji Dan) said: ‘The Son of Heaven has no words in jest. When he speaks, the historians write it, the musicians recite it, and the gentlemen repeat it.’ If even words are not casual, how much less actions! Zhang Shizhi's statement must therefore be scrutinized, and the Duke of Zhou (Ji Dan)'s warning followed.” He also argued that birds and beasts serving no useful purpose but consuming fodder, grain, and attendants' labor should all be removed.

The emperor once asked: “Under Emperor Huan of Han (Liu Zhi) <Vigorous Emperor; a posthumous imperial title>, Li Yun, Magistrate of Baima, memorialized: ‘Di, emperor, means di, discerning. Does the emperor wish not to discern?’ How could such a man escape death?” Wang Su answered: “His words merely failed to observe the proper distinction between deference and offense. Examining his original intention, he wished to devote himself fully and help the state. Moreover, an emperor's authority exceeds thunder. Killing one ordinary man is no different from killing an ant. Treating him generously and pardoning him would demonstrate acceptance of outspoken remonstrance and extend the scope of virtue throughout the realm. I therefore do not consider his execution necessarily right.” The emperor asked again: “Because Sima Qian had suffered punishment, he harbored concealed resentment and wrote the Records of the Historian to disparage Emperor Xiaowu (Liu Che). It makes one gnash one's teeth.” Wang Su answered: “In recording events, Sima Qian did not praise falsely or conceal evil. Liu Xiang and Yang Xiong admired his narrative skill and the talent of a good historian, calling his work a truthful record. When Emperor Wu of Han (Liu Che) heard that he was composing it, he obtained the annals of Emperor Xiaojing (Liu Qi) and himself to read. He became furious, cut them up, and threw them away. To this day those two annals have entries in the catalogue but no surviving text. Later, after the affair of Li Ling, he sent Sima Qian to the silkworm chamber for castration. Thus the concealed resentment lay with Emperor Xiaowu (Liu Che), not with the historian Sima Qian.”

In the first year of Zhengshi, Wang Su left the capital as Administrator of Guangping. Recalled on official business, he was appointed Consultant and soon Palace Attendant, then promoted to Minister of Ceremonies. General-in-Chief Cao Shuang then monopolized authority and employed He Yan, Deng Yang, and others. Discussing contemporary government with Grand Commandant Jiang Ji and Minister of Agriculture Huan Fan, Wang Su said gravely: “These men belong with Hong Gong and Shi Xian. Must we discuss them further?” Hearing of it, Cao Shuang warned He Yan and the others: “We must all be cautious. The highest ministers already compare you with wicked men of former ages.” Wang Su was dismissed over ancestral temple affairs, then became Minister of the Household. At this time two fish, each a chi long, appeared on the roof of the arsenal. The authorities called it auspicious. Wang Su said: “Fish live in deep water but have risen onto a roof. These armored, scaled creatures have lost their proper place. Might the frontier generals face a disaster of abandoning their armor?” The account records that the defeat at Dongguan indeed followed. He transferred to Intendant of Henan.

In the sixth year of Jiaping, bearing credentials and acting concurrently as Minister of Ceremonies, Wang Su brought the prescribed imperial carriage to welcome the Duke of Gaogui District (Cao Mao) <the title held before his imperial accession> at Yuancheng. That year a white vapor crossed the sky. General-in-Chief Sima Jingwang (Sima Shi) <King Jing; a posthumous royal title> asked its meaning. Wang Su answered: “This is Chiyou's banner. Might disorder arise in the southeast? If you cultivate yourself and bring peace to the people, those throughout the realm who delight in tranquility will acknowledge your virtue, and those who call for disorder will perish first.” Next spring, General Who Guards the East Guanqiu Jian and Inspector of Yang Province Wen Qin rebelled. Sima Jingwang (Sima Shi) told Wang Su: “Huo Guang was moved by Xiahou Sheng's words and thereafter esteemed Confucian scholars. There was good reason for that. What is the method of securing the state and reassuring the ruler?” Wang Su answered: “Formerly Guan Yu led Jing Province's forces, forced Yu Jin to surrender beside the Han River, and then aspired to contest the realm northward. Later Sun Quan seized the families of his officers and soldiers, and his army dissolved in a single day. Now the parents, wives, and children of the Huainan officers and soldiers are all in the inner provinces. Hurry to confront and contain them so they cannot advance, and they must collapse as Guan Yu did.” Sima Jingwang (Sima Shi) followed this advice and defeated Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin. Wang Su was later promoted to Commandant of the Central Army, concurrently Regular Attendant Cavalier, and received three hundred additional households for a total of twenty-two hundred. He died in the first year of Ganlu. Hundreds of his pupils wore mourning garments. He was posthumously granted General of the Guards and the title Marquis Jing (Wang Su) <‘Illustrious,’ a posthumous designation>. His son Wang Yun succeeded him. Wang Yun died without a son, and the fief lapsed. In the fourth year of Jingyuan, Wang Su's son Wang Xun was enfeoffed as Marquis of Lanling. During Xianxi, when the five noble ranks were newly established, Wang Su's distinguished service to the preceding court led to Wang Xun's transfer as Viscount of Cheng (氶).

CommentaryThe Shiyu says: Wang Xun, courtesy name Liangfu, possessed comprehensive understanding and was loyal and upright at court. He served as Intendant of Henan and Palace Attendant, winning praise in each post. His heart was devoted to the public good, and he possessed selfless integrity. Yuan Yi, Magistrate of Ge, offered him a fine horse. Knowing Yuan Yi's greed, Wang Xun refused. Yuan Yi was eventually ruined by corruption. The establishment of the two schools and the promotion of the Five Classics were all Wang Xun's proposals. He died in his forties and was posthumously granted General of Chariots and Cavalry. Wang Su's daughter married Sima Wenwang (Sima Zhao): she was Empress Wenming (Wang Yuanji) <Cultured and Enlightened Empress; a posthumous title>, mother of Emperor Wu of Jin (Sima Yan) <Martial Emperor; the founding Jin emperor> and Prince Xian of Qi (Sima You) <‘Offering,’ a posthumous princely designation>. The Eulogies of the Lords of Jin says: Wang Xun was one of eight brothers. Among those who attained prominence was Wang Qian, courtesy name Gongzu, renowned for achievement and administrative ability, who rose to Master of Writing. His younger brother Wang Kai, courtesy name Junfu, had talent and energy in youth but lacked disciplined conduct. He was friendly with Minister of Guards Shi Chong, and the two competed in extravagant luxury. Wang Kai ended his career as General of the Rear. Wang Qian's sons Wang Kang and Wang Long also attained high office and were esteemed by later generations.

Earlier, Wang Su favored the scholarship of Jia Kui and Ma Rong but disliked Zheng Xuan's. Collecting and comparing agreements and differences, he composed explanations of the Documents, Odes, Analects, Three Ritual Classics, and Zuo Tradition, and edited his father Wang Lang's Commentary on the Changes. All were established in the official schools. His discussions and criticisms of court institutions, suburban sacrifices, ancestral temples, mourning rules, and their relative importance amounted to over a hundred pieces. At this time Sun Shuran of Le'an—

—had studied under Zheng Xuan and was called a great Confucian scholar of the eastern provinces. Summoned as Director of the Palace Library, he declined. Wang Su compiled the Discussion of Sage Testimony to criticize Zheng Xuan's shortcomings, and Sun Shuran (Sun Yan) refuted it in defense of Zheng Xuan. Sun Yan also wrote the Precedents of the Changes and Spring and Autumn Annals, commentaries on the Mao Odes, Record of Rites, the three Spring and Autumn traditions, Discourses of the States, and Erya, as well as over ten further works. From early Wei there were also the summoned scholar Zhousheng Lie of Dunhuang—

—and Dong Yu of Hongnong, Grand Minister of Agriculture under Emperor Ming (Cao Rui), and others. They too successively annotated the classics and traditions, and a number of their works circulated.

CommentaryThe Weilüe says: Dong Yu, courtesy name Jizhi, was plain and reserved by nature and loved learning. During Xingping, disorder afflicted Guanzhong, and he and his elder brother Dong Jizhong took refuge with General Duan Wei. Gathering vegetation to carry and sell, he always kept the classics with him and studied whenever he had leisure. His brother laughed at him, but he did not change. Early in Jian'an, as royal order began to recover, the commandery nominated him as Filial and Incorrupt. He gradually rose to Gentleman of the Yellow Gates. At this time the Han emperor entrusted government to Taizu (Cao Cao), and Dong Yu lectured before him morning and evening, gaining the Son of Heaven's affection and trust. In the twenty-second year, officials at Xu falsified an imperial command. Although Dong Yu had not joined the plot, he was still detained and sent to Ye, then transferred to an unattached post. He once accompanied Taizu (Cao Cao) on a western campaign. Passing through Mengjin, they came by the tomb of the Prince of Hongnong (Liu Bian) <a territorial princely title after deposition>. Taizu (Cao Cao) hesitated over paying respects and asked his attendants, but none answered. Dong Yu stepped out of turn and said: “According to the Spring and Autumn Annals, a ruler who dies before a year has passed after accession has not fully become sovereign. The Prince of Hongnong (Liu Bian) occupied the throne only briefly, was controlled by a violent minister, and was demoted to a princely state. You should not pay respects.” Taizu (Cao Cao) passed on. During Huangchu, Dong Yu left the capital as a commandery administrator. Under Emperor Ming (Cao Rui), he returned as Palace Attendant and Grand Minister of Agriculture, dying of illness after several years. Dong Yu had initially excelled in studying the Laozi and wrote explanatory annotations to it. He was also skilled in the Zuo Tradition and prepared distinctions in red and black ink. When people asked to study with him, he declined to teach and said: “First you must read it a hundred times. Read a book a hundred times, and its meaning appears by itself.” A prospective student said: “We suffer from having no time.” Dong Yu answered: “Use the three spare periods.” Asked what these meant, he explained: “Winter is the year's spare period; night is the day's; rainy weather is spare time within the seasons.” Consequently few students studied with him, and none transmitted his red-and-black distinctions. The Shiyu says: Dong Yu's son Dong Sui rose to Director of the Palace Library and was also talented and learned. Dong Ai, a meritorious follower of Prince Jiong of Qi (Sima Jiong), was Dong Sui's son.

CommentaryThe Weilüe classes Dong Yu, Jia Hong, Handan Chun, Xue Xia, Kui Xi, Su Lin, and Yue Xiang as seven masters of Confucian learning. Its preface says: “From the first year of Chuping to the end of Jian'an, the realm broke apart and people sought merely to get by. The bonds of government declined, and Confucian learning suffered especially. After the first year of Huangchu, the new sovereign restored it. The ashes of the Imperial Academy were first cleared away, damage to the old stone inscriptions repaired, and the full complement of erudites supplied. Assessments followed Han's graded system. Provinces and commanderies were notified to send anyone wishing to study to the Academy. At its reopening there were several hundred students. During Taihe and Qinglong, affairs within and outside the state multiplied, and people sought places of refuge. Even those without a natural aptitude for learning often asked to enter the Academy. Students numbered in the thousands, but the erudites were generally superficial and unable to teach them. The students themselves had originally sought to escape service and ultimately learned nothing. They came in winter and left in spring, year after year. “Even when some possessed real learning, the central authorities set the examination standard too high. Instead of testing comprehension of the main principles, they asked about individual characters, ink distinctions, and minute annotations. Of a hundred taking the same examination, fewer than ten passed. Those devoted to learning consequently declined again, while seekers of superficial reputation competed with one another. During Zhengshi, an edict called for discussion of the Circular Mound sacrifice and broadly invited scholars. At that time the gentlemen officials and clerks under the Minister over the Masses numbered over twenty thousand. Even after their dispersal elsewhere, about ten thousand remained in the capital, yet scarcely any responded with written opinions. More than four hundred men from the highest ministers downward attended court, but fewer than ten could put brush to paper. Most merely followed one another, ate their fill, and withdrew. Alas! Learning had sunk to such a condition. That is why in my private heart I constantly cherish these few men, each of whom lived amid desolation and disorder yet preserved his purpose with increasing devotion.” Jia Hong, courtesy name Shuye, was from Xinfeng in Jingzhao. He loved learning and had talent, excelling particularly in the Spring and Autumn Annals and Zuo Tradition. Early in Jian'an he served the commandery, was selected as Accounts Clerk, and accepted a provincial invitation. Of over a hundred provincial officers from military advisers downward, he associated only with Yan Bao of Fengyi; their talent and learning were the highest. Jia Hong successively governed three counties. Wherever he went, he cleared out stable buildings and personally taught students there. Later Ma Chao rebelled, seized Jia Hong, took him to Huayin, and forced him to write an open proclamation. Unable to refuse, Jia Hong wrote it. Colonel Director of Retainers Zhong Yao, then in the east, recognized the writing: “This is Jia Hong's work.” After Ma Chao's defeat and flight, Taizu (Cao Cao) summoned Jia Hong as a clerk for military planning. Yet because he had written Ma Chao's proclamation, he was not immediately promoted. Only late did he become Chief of Yinquan. During Yankang he transferred to Chancellor of the Prince of Baima (Cao Biao) <a territorial princely title>. Skilled in conversation and humor, he became a revered teacher to Cao Biao, who also loved literature and learning and honored him above the three senior officers. He died of illness several years later, in his fifties. People regretted that his career had not reached the two-thousand-shi rank. Yan Bao also successively governed two counties. During Huangchu his great talent won him appointment as Assistant Director of the Palace Library. He repeatedly presented compositions and rhapsodies, which Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) admired. He left the capital as Administrator of Xiping and died in office. Xue Xia, courtesy name Xuansheng, was from Tianshui, broadly learned and talented. Four old clans—the Jiang, Yan, Ren, and Zhao—dominated the commandery. From an isolated family, Xue Xia refused to submit to them. When they jointly sought to punish him, he escaped and traveled east to the capital. Taizu (Cao Cao), who had long heard his name, treated him with great courtesy. The four clans later had a prisoner implicate him from afar and sent an official request to Yingchuan, where he was arrested and imprisoned. Taizu (Cao Cao), already in Ji Province, heard that Xue Xia was being held at the demand of his home commandery. Clapping his hands, he said: “Xue Xia is innocent! Those fellows of Hanyang simply want to kill him.” He instructed Yingchuan to clear and release him and summoned him as a clerk for military planning. Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) also admired his talent and appointed him Assistant Director of the Palace Library during Huangchu. Whenever they discussed books and traditions, they spent the whole day together. The emperor called him “Master Xue,” never by his personal name. Xue Xia was very poor. Noticing his thin clothing, the emperor removed his own robe and gave it to him. Later, when General Who Campaigns in the East Cao Xiu came to court, the emperor was consulting Xue Xia. On hearing that Cao Xiu had arrived, he summoned him inside. Once he was seated, the emperor looked at Xue Xia and told Cao Xiu: “This gentleman is Xue Xuansheng (Xue Xia) of Tianshui, Assistant Director of the Palace Library. You should talk together.” Such was his treatment. He soon intended to advance him, but died before doing so. During Taihe, Xue Xia once sent official business to the Orchid Terrace. Considering itself a terrace-level bureau while the Palace Library was merely an office, the Orchid Terrace claimed that he had no right to communicate on equal terms and sought someone to hold responsible. Xue Xia replied: “The Orchid Terrace is the outer bureau; the Palace Library is the inner cabinet. Terrace and cabinet are equivalent. Why should they not communicate?” The Orchid Terrace could not refute him. Thereafter this became the regular practice. He died of illness several years later, instructing his son not to return to Tianshui. Kui Xi, courtesy name Ziya, was from Jingzhao, his family having long stood without powerful connections. He loved learning from youth. During Chuping, the Three Adjuncts fell into disorder, and he traveled south to Jing Province. Despite the devastation, he carried the classics on his back and recited them whenever gathering vegetation left spare time. After Taizu (Cao Cao) pacified Jing Province, he summoned Kui Xi as a clerk for military planning. During Huangchu he became Palace Gentleman to the Prince of Qiao (Cao Lin) <a territorial princely title>. Having long heard of his Confucian learning, the prince humbly studied with him. Kui Xi taught respectfully and consequently received generous gifts. Returning through illness, he was appointed Palace Gentleman. In his eighties he lived at home because of age, and many came to study with him. Besides mastering the classics, he understood stellar offices. Looking up at celestial patterns, he often sighed to Yu Huan: “Warfare in the realm still has not ceased. What can be done?” Yu Huan once asked him about the Zuo Tradition. He answered: “For understanding hidden subtleties, nothing equals the Changes; for the ordering of human relationships, nothing equals the Rites; for knowing the names of mountains, rivers, plants, and trees, nothing equals the Odes. The Zuo Tradition is simply a book of people hacking one another. It does not deserve your most concentrated effort.” Yu Huan then asked about the Odes. Kui Xi explained the interpretations of the Qi, Han, Lu, and Mao schools without consulting the text, as though reciting from memory. He also composed several hundred thousand words of explanations of the classics. Before they could be copied into a fair version, he became deaf. Several years later he died of illness. Handan Chun's affairs appear in Wang Can's biography; Su Lin's in those of Liu Shao and Gaotang Long; Yue Xiang's in Du Ji's. Yu Huan says: Is not learning's contribution to a person like indigo dyeing plain silk? Even Confucius said: “I am not one born with knowledge.” How much more is this true of ordinary people! The reason people do not value learning must be that they see men who can “recite the three hundred Odes yet cannot independently answer diplomatic questions abroad.” I consider those the lowest category. Should we not instead look to men of middling ability or above, possessing equal natural endowment but adding cultivated learning? These few worthies are men whom I knew to some extent. Examining their practical abilities, they were indeed not numerous. Yet because they never ceased studying, they were praised by emperors above and became renowned scholars of the state below. Was this not due to learning? Viewed thus, how could learning ever be abandoned?

Appraisal: Zhong Yao was open-minded, perceptive, and capable in administration; Hua Xin pure in character and unadorned in virtue; Wang Lang richly learned and abundant in literary talent. All were truly outstanding men of their age. At Wei's beginning they rose to the Three Excellencies: how splendid! Wang Su was candid, upright, and widely informed. He could indeed “split the firewood,” carrying forward his father's work.