VOLUME 21 · ENGLISH TRANSLATION

Book of Wei · Biographies of Wang Can, Wei Ji, Liu Yi, Liu Shao, and Fu Gu

By Chen Shou · With source commentary

Wang Can, courtesy name Zhongxuan, was from Gaoping in Shanyang. His great-grandfather Wang Gong and grandfather Wang Chang both served among Han's Three Excellencies.

CommentaryZhang Fan's Annals of Han says: Wang Gong, courtesy name Bozong, enjoyed great fame throughout the realm and became Grand Commandant under Emperor Shun (Liu Bao) <Compliant Emperor; a posthumous imperial title>. Earlier, Administrator of Shanyang Xue Qin had not wept when his wife died. At her encoffining he said: “Fortunately she did not die young. What further regret is there?” When Wang Gong's wife died, he and his sons all carried mourning staffs and observed the rites. Some contemporaries criticized both approaches. Wang Chang, courtesy name Shumao, was counted among the Eight Eminent Men. Under Emperor Ling (Liu Hong) <Numinous Emperor; a posthumous imperial title> he became Minister of Works but was dismissed over flooding. Li Ying was also dismissed and returned to his home commandery. Neither man's upright course found acceptance in the age. The realm regarded them as lofty scholars, and men of uncompromising words and deeds revered them, wishing to join their company and fearing they might fall short. Repeated portents occurred. Those presenting opinions all said the Three Excellencies were unfit and should be replaced by Wang Chang and Li Ying, whereupon auspicious signs would surely arrive. The eunuchs consequently hated them deeply. When Li Ying was executed, Wang Chang remained excluded from office and died at home.

Wang Can's father Wang Qian was Chief Clerk of General-in-Chief He Jin. As he descended from distinguished ministers, He Jin wished to form a marriage alliance, showed him his two sons, and let him choose. Wang Qian declined. He left office through illness and died at home.

When Emperor Xian (Liu Xie) <Offering Emperor; a posthumous imperial title> moved west, Wang Can went to Chang'an. General of the Household of the Left Cai Yong saw him and recognized his extraordinary talent. Cai Yong's learning and literary ability then gave him great distinction at court. Carriages and riders filled his street, and guests filled his seats. Hearing Wang Can was at the gate, he hurried out with his shoes put on backward. When Wang Can arrived, young and small in stature, everyone present was astonished. Cai Yong said: “This is Master Wang (Wang Chang)'s grandson. His unusual talent surpasses mine. All my books and writings should go to him.” At seventeen Wang Can received recruitment from the Minister over the Masses and an edict appointing him Gentleman of the Yellow Gates. Because of disorder in the western capital, he accepted neither and went to Jing Province to depend upon Liu Biao. Finding him plain-looking, physically weak, and informal, Liu Biao did not value him highly.

After Liu Biao died, Wang Can urged his son Liu Cong to submit to Taizu (Cao Cao) <Great Ancestor; a temple name conferred posthumously>.

CommentaryThe Biographies of Literary Men records Wang Can's persuasion: “I have a foolish plan. May I present it?” Liu Cong said: “I wish to hear it.” Wang Can answered: “In the realm's great disorder, heroes rose together. Amid sudden change, strength and weakness were undecided, so each man harbored his own intention. Every household wished for emperorship or kingship, every man for a ducal or marquisate title. Examining success and failure, ancient and modern, those perceiving circumstances first consistently received good fortune. How do you now compare yourself with Lord Cao (Cao Cao)?” Liu Cong could not answer. Wang Can continued: “As I have heard, Lord Cao (Cao Cao) is truly an outstanding man. His heroic strategy surpasses the age and his wisdom the world. He crushed the Yuans at Guandu, drove Sun Quan beyond the river, pursued Liu Bei into Longyou, and defeated the Wuhuan at Baideng. His other inspired conquests cannot be counted. Today's choice is clear. If you follow my plan, roll up armor, reverse weapons, answer Heaven, obey the mandate, and submit, Lord Cao (Cao Cao) will owe you deeply. Preserve yourself and your clan, enjoy lasting blessings, and transmit them to descendants: this is complete security. Displaced by disorder, I entrusted my life to this province and received your father's and your generous care. How dare I withhold my full words?” Liu Cong accepted. I, Pei Songzhi, note: Before this, Sun Quan had maintained peaceful relations with the central state and had never fought it. How could Wang Can say Cao Cao “drove Sun Quan beyond the river”? Emperor Wu of Wei (Cao Cao) <Martial Emperor; a posthumous imperial title> campaigned in Jing Province in the thirteenth year of Jian'an. Liu Bei entered Shu only several years later and never personally entered Guan or Long. To say in the year of the Jing campaign that he had been driven into Longyou is already erroneous. Moreover, Baideng is at Pingcheng, a place Emperor Wu of Wei (Cao Cao) did not traverse. The northern Wuhuan campaign had nothing to do with Baideng. Thus Zhang Zhi (張隲) fabricated this speech without recognizing that its falsehood exposed itself. His false and arbitrary compositions cannot be individually listed; examples like these are countless.

Taizu (Cao Cao) recruited Wang Can as a clerk of the Chancellor and granted the rank of Marquis within the Passes. At a feast beside the Han, Wang Can raised a cup in congratulation: “Yuan Shao rose north of the river, relied on a great host, and aspired to unite the realm. Yet although he liked worthy men, he could not employ them, and extraordinary scholars left. Liu Biao remained at ease in Jing and Chu, watching changes and considering himself capable of imitating the Lord of the West (Ji Chang) <the Zhou leader later honored as King Wen>. The men sheltering in Jing Province were outstanding talents from the whole realm, yet he did not know whom to entrust. Thus his state stood in peril without help. On the day you settled Ji Province, you immediately repaired its arms and employed its outstanding men to range across the realm. On pacifying the Jiang and Han, you drew its worthy talents into official ranks. Hearts everywhere turn toward you, admiring your example and wishing for good government. Employing civil and military men together and obtaining the full strength of heroes—this is the conduct of the Three Kings.” Wang Can later became Libationer for Military Planning. When Wei was established, he became Palace Attendant. Widely informed, he answered every inquiry. With old rites neglected and institutions being rebuilt, he constantly directed their establishment.

Once, walking with another man, Wang Can read a roadside stele. Asked whether he could recite it from memory, he said yes, turned away, and repeated it without missing a word. Watching a game of encirclement chess, he saw the board disturbed and restored the pieces. The players doubted him, covered that board with a cloth, and had him reproduce it on another. Comparing them, they found not a single line misplaced. Such was his strength of memory and silent recognition. Naturally skilled in calculation, he wrote a mathematical work encompassing its principles. He composed literature as soon as he took up the brush, without revision. Contemporaries often assumed he had prepared it earlier; yet even careful thought could not improve it.

He wrote nearly sixty poems, rhapsodies, discussions, and proposals. In the twenty-first year of Jian'an he accompanied the Wu campaign. In the spring of the twenty-second he became ill on the road and died aged forty-one. His two sons were drawn into Wei Feng's affair and executed, ending his line.

Earlier, Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) <Civil Emperor; a posthumous imperial title>, while General of the Household for All Purposes, and the Marquis of Pingyuan (Cao Zhi) both loved literature. Wang Can, Xu Gan of Beihai, courtesy name Weichang, Chen Lin of Guangling, courtesy name Kongzhang, Ruan Yu of Chenliu, courtesy name Yuanyu, Ying Yang of Runan, courtesy name Delian—

—and Liu Zhen of Dongping, courtesy name Gonggan, all enjoyed their friendship and favor.

Xu Gan served as Libationer for Military Planning and subordinate clerk under the Minister of Works, then Literary Attendant to the General of the Household for All Purposes (Cao Pi).

Chen Lin had earlier been He Jin's Registrar. When He Jin wished to execute the eunuchs and the empress dowager refused, he summoned fierce commanders from all regions with troops toward the capital to intimidate her. Chen Lin remonstrated: “The Changes speaks of ‘pursuing deer without a forester,’ and the proverb of ‘covering one's eyes to catch sparrows.’ Even small creatures cannot be deceived into fulfilling one's purpose. How much less can the state's great affairs be established through fraud? You wield imperial authority and control military power, moving like dragon and tiger, raising or lowering at will. Acting with this would be like a blazing furnace burning hair. Simply release the thunder swiftly, exercise authority, and decide at once. Departing from an ordinary rule while according with the Way, you will be followed by Heaven and men. Instead you relinquish your sharp weapon and seek assistance elsewhere. Once great armies assemble, the strongest becomes master. This is holding the spear backward and giving another its handle. It cannot succeed and merely creates a staircase to disorder.” He Jin refused and brought disaster upon himself. Chen Lin fled to Ji Province, where Yuan Shao put him in charge of writings. After the Yuans' defeat, he submitted to Taizu (Cao Cao), who said: “When drafting Yuan Benchu (Yuan Shao)'s circular, you could have confined yourself to charges against me. Hatred should stop at the offender himself. Why extend it upward to father and grandfather?” Chen Lin apologized. Valuing his talent, Taizu (Cao Cao) did not punish him.

Ruan Yu had studied under Cai Yong in youth. During Jian'an, Central Protector Cao Hong wished to employ him as secretary, but he would not yield. Taizu (Cao Cao) appointed both Chen Lin and Ruan Yu Libationers for Military Planning under the Minister of Works, managing the Records Office.

CommentaryThe Biographies of Literary Men says: Taizu (Cao Cao) had long heard Ruan Yu's name and recruited him, but he refused. Repeated pressure drove him into the mountains. Taizu (Cao Cao) had the mountain burned, captured him, and brought him in. Campaigning at Chang'an, Taizu (Cao Cao) entertained many guests. Angry, he did not speak to Ruan Yu but placed him among the performers. Skilled in music and the qin, Ruan Yu touched the strings and sang a newly composed song: “Splendid Heaven's gate opens; Great Wei answers its appointed fortune. The green canopy tours the Nine Provinces; While in the east, the western people resent its absence. A scholar dies for one who knows him; A woman adorns herself for one who delights in her. If kindness and righteousness flow freely, How can others bring disorder?” Composed swiftly and performed with extraordinary beauty, it surpassed everyone present. Taizu (Cao Cao) was delighted. I, Pei Songzhi, note: Yu's Dianlüe and Zhi Yu's Record of Literary Writings both say: “Early in Jian'an, Ruan Yu pleaded illness to avoid service and would not yield to Cao Hong. When summoned by Taizu (Cao Cao), he immediately cast aside his staff and rose.” There can therefore have been no flight into the mountains followed by burning to force him out. The Dianlüe also records that when Taizu (Cao Cao) first campaigned in Jing Province, he had Ruan Yu write to Liu Bei, and in the Ma Chao campaign had him write to Han Sui. Both letters survive complete. Before reaching Chang'an, Han Sui and his allies had already been defeated; Taizu (Cao Cao) entered the passes only in the sixteenth year. Zhang Zhi (張隲)'s assertion that he first obtained Ruan Yu at Chang'an is another chronological error. Ruan Yu died in the seventeenth year; Taizu (Cao Cao) became Duke of Wei in the eighteenth. A song saying “Great Wei answers its appointed fortune” is still more obviously false. Nor does “How can others bring disorder?” form a proper expression. Ruan Yu could not have written thus.

Most military and state letters and proclamations were written by Chen Lin and Ruan Yu.

Chen Lin transferred to Supervisor of the Retinue, while Ruan Yu became a subordinate clerk in the Granary Bureau.

Ying Yang and Liu Zhen were each recruited by Taizu (Cao Cao) as clerks of the Chancellor. Ying Yang became Household Gentleman to the Marquis of Pingyuan (Cao Zhi), then Literary Attendant to the General of the Household for All Purposes (Cao Pi).

CommentaryHua Jiao's Book of Han says: Ying Yang's grandfather Ying Feng, courtesy name Shishu, was talented and quick, with exceptional memory. People therefore said: “When Ying Shishu (Ying Feng) reads, five lines descend together.” He wrote over ten pieces titled Later Accounts and became a Confucian scholar of his age. During Yanxi he rose to Colonel Director of Retainers. His son Ying Shao, courtesy name Zhongyuan, was also widely learned and especially fond of gathering facts. His writings, including Comprehensive Meanings of Customs, totaled over a hundred pieces. Though their language was not always classically elegant, the age admired his extensive knowledge. The Continued Book of Han says: Ying Shao also wrote Collected Accounts of Middle Han, Ceremonies of Han Offices, and Ritual Precedents, eleven works in a hundred and thirty-six juan. Court institutions and official ceremonies survived because he recorded them. He rose to Administrator of Taishan. Ying Shao's younger brother Ying Xun, courtesy name Jiyu, a clerk of the Minister of Works, was Ying Yang's father.

Liu Zhen suffered punishment for disrespect and, after completing it, was assigned as a clerk.

CommentaryThe Biographies of Literary Men says: Liu Zhen's father Liu Liang, courtesy name Manshan, was also named Gong. Of pure talent from youth and valued for literature, he ended as Magistrate of Yewang. The Dianlüe says: Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) once gave Liu Zhen a kuoluo belt <廓落帶; the exact type is uncertain>. Later a master died, and he wished to borrow it for an image [師死…為像, the compressed reference is unclear]. He mocked Liu Zhen in a letter: “Objects gain value through people. Those held by lowly men are not used beside the supreme ruler. Though I now take it, do not mind if it fails to return.” Liu Zhen answered: “I have heard that Jing Mountain's jade shines as a sovereign's treasure; the Marquis of Sui's pearl illuminates the desires of gentlemen; gold from the southern reaches adorns beautiful heads; sable tails decorate attendants' headcloths. These four treasures lay beneath decayed stone or hidden in dirty mud, yet shine over a thousand years and reveal colors beyond former times. None initially placed itself before the supreme ruler. What the exalted wear is prepared by the lowly; what the honored use is first handled by the humble. When a great house is completed, the master builder first stands beneath it. When fine grain ripens, the farmer first tastes it. I regret that my belt has no other marvelous ornament. Were it truly extraordinary, you could still take it.” Such were the skill and subtlety of his language, earning particular affection from the young lords. Later the crown prince entertained the literary attendants. Amid merry drinking, he ordered Consort Zhen <her personal name is not supplied> to come out and bow. Everyone lowered himself, but Liu Zhen alone looked straight ahead. Hearing it, Taizu (Cao Cao) arrested him, reduced his sentence from death, and assigned him to penal labor.

All wrote several dozen literary compositions and rhapsodies.

Ruan Yu died in the seventeenth year of Jian'an; Xu Gan, Chen Lin, Ying Yang, and Liu Zhen in the twenty-second. Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) wrote to Wu Zhi, Magistrate of Yuancheng: “In the epidemic last year, many relatives and old friends suffered. Xu Gan, Chen Lin, Ying Yang, and Liu Zhen all passed away together. Looking at writers ancient and modern, most neglect minor conduct, and few establish themselves through an honorable name and integrity. Weichang (Xu Gan) alone combined literary refinement with substance, tranquil and free of desire, with the resolve of Mount Ji's recluse. He may be called a cultivated gentleman. His over twenty essays of Balanced Discourses are elegant in language and meaning and deserve transmission. Delian (Ying Yang) always had an abundant intention to write. His talent and learning could have produced a book. That this fine purpose failed is truly painful. Kongzhang (Chen Lin)'s memorials were particularly vigorous, though somewhat overabundant. Gonggan (Liu Zhen) possessed soaring spirit, but it had not yet matured. Yuanyu (Ruan Yu)'s letters were graceful and delightful. Zhongxuan (Wang Can) especially excelled in rhapsodies. Regrettably his underlying constitution was weak and did not lift his writing [體弱; bodily and literary senses remain possible]. Yet in his strengths, the ancients could not surpass him by much. Bo Ya broke his strings at Zhong Ziqi's death, and Confucius overturned the meat relish on hearing Zilu's fate: sorrow at the rarity of one who understands the music, grief that a pupil would never return. These men may not have reached the ancients, but were outstanding in their own age.”

CommentaryThe Authoritative Discourses says: “Today's writers—Kong Rong of Lu, Chen Lin of Guangling, Wang Can of Shanyang, Xu Gan of Beihai, Ruan Yu of Chenliu, Ying Yang of Runan, and Liu Zhen of Dongping—these Seven Masters neglect nothing in learning and borrow nothing in expression. Each imagines himself driving a fine horse a thousand li, raising its feet to race abreast with the others. Wang Can excels in rhapsodies. Xu Gan sometimes shows soaring spirit but does not match him. Wang Can's First Campaign, Ascending the Tower, Locust Tree Rhapsody, and Thoughts on Campaign, and Xu Gan's Dark Gibbon, Leaking Cup, Round Fan, and Orange Rhapsody, are not surpassed even by Zhang Heng and Cai Yong. Yet their other writings do not equal these. Chen Lin and Ruan Yu's memorials and letters are outstanding today. Ying Yang is harmonious without strength; Liu Zhen strong without precision. Kong Rong's natural spirit is lofty and marvelous, surpassing others, but he cannot sustain an argument: reasoning does not master language, and mockery and joking intrude. In what he does well, he belongs with Yang Xiong and Ban Gu.”

Other men included Handan Chun of Yingchuan—

CommentaryThe Weilüe says: Handan Chun was also named Zhu (笁) and had the courtesy name Zishu. Widely learned and literarily talented, he also excelled in the Cang and Ya character traditions, insect and seal scripts, and Master Xu's explanations of characters. During Chuping he went from the Three Adjuncts to refuge in Jing Province. When Jing submitted, Taizu (Cao Cao), already familiar with his name, summoned him and treated him with exceptional respect. The General of the Household for All Purposes (Cao Pi), broadly attracting outstanding scholars, also knew his reputation and asked to include him among his literary staff. The Marquis of Linzi (Cao Zhi) requested him too, and Taizu (Cao Cao) sent him to Cao Zhi. Delighted, Cao Zhi invited him to sit without beginning conversation. It was hot. He called attendants for water, washed, and applied powder. Bareheaded and bare-chested, he performed foreign dances and the Five-Hammer forging performance [五椎鍛; the precise routine is uncertain], juggled balls, practiced swordplay, and recited several thousand words of comic tales. Then he asked: “Master Handan (Handan Chun), what do you think?” Dressing and arranging his appearance, he discussed the origins of primordial creation and the differentiation of things, then assessed the relative merits of sages, ministers, and resolute men from Fu Xi onward. He next recited and appraised ancient and modern literature, rhapsodies, and elegies, priorities in administration, and the changing conditions of war. Food and wine arrived together. Everyone present remained silent, unable to match him. Returning at dusk, Handan Chun praised his talent to acquaintances and called him a “heavenly man.” The heir had not yet been established. Taizu (Cao Cao) soon considered Cao Zhi, and Handan Chun repeatedly praised his talent, displeasing Cao Pi. Early in Huangchu, Handan Chun became Erudite and Attendant within the Palace. He presented a Pitch-Pot Rhapsody of over a thousand words. Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) admired its skill and gave him a thousand bolts of silk.

—Fan Qin—

—Lu Cui of Chenliu—

CommentaryThe Dianlüe says: Lu Cui, courtesy name Wenwei, studied under Cai Yong in youth. During Chuping he followed the imperial carriage to the Three Adjuncts. Early in Jian'an, his great talent brought appointment as Gentleman of the Masters of Writing alongside Yan Xiang of Jingzhao. Since Yan Xiang combined civil and military ability, he left as Inspector of Yang Province. Lu Cui later became Libationer for Military Planning, managing the Records Office with Chen Lin and Ruan Yu. When Kong Rong incurred offense, Taizu (Cao Cao) had Lu Cui draft the memorial. Following his wishes, Lu Cui piled up charges. In outline it said: “While at Beihai, Kong Rong saw the royal house unsettled, gathered followers, and intended disloyal designs. He said, ‘I descend from the great sage, whose family was destroyed in Song. Why must the possessor of the realm be the Mao-Gold-Knife clan?’ [卯金刀, the components conventionally indicating the Liu surname.]” It also said: “As one of the Nine Ministers, Kong Rong disregarded court ritual, traveling privately in an informal headcloth and intruding into palace precincts. His unrestrained conversations with the private scholar Mi Heng included mutual praise. Mi Heng said, ‘Confucius is not dead,’ and Kong Rong answered, ‘Yan Hui lives again.’” Many charges of this kind filled the document. After Kong Rong's execution, everyone reading it admired Lu Cui's talent and feared his pen. In the nineteenth year he became Prefect of the Secretariat and followed the great army to Hanzhong. He violated a prohibition by requesting an ass at a low price and was executed. The crown prince, long friendly with him, mourned the death and after imperial accession specially employed his son as a chief clerk. Yu Huan says: Examining the past, men like Lu Zhonglian and Zou Yang used analogies and examples to untie difficult knots. They were truly outstanding in eloquence in their time. Reading the earlier and later writings of Wang Can, Fan Qin, Ruan Yu, Chen Lin, and Lu Cui, how were they inferior to those ancients? Their lack of comparable discussion is merely due to a different age. I also wondered why they were not employed more fully and asked the Grand Herald Wei Zhongjiang (Wei Dan). He answered: “Zhongxuan (Wang Can) was harmed by fleshy bluntness [肥戇; the exact nuance is uncertain]; Xiubo (Fan Qin) lacked all discipline; Yuanyu (Ruan Yu) suffered physical weakness; Kongzhang (Chen Lin) was genuinely careless; Wenwei (Lu Cui) was rather angry and fierce. Such were their failings. They did not merely burn themselves away like fat in a candle. There were reasons they could not rise loftily. Yet a gentleman does not demand perfection from one man. Like vermilion lacquer, though lacking the timber of a main beam, they still produce a magnificent luster.”

—Ding Yi (丁儀) and Ding Yi (丁廙) of Pei State, Yang Xiu of Hongnong, Gou Wei of Henei, and others also possessed literary brilliance, but were not included among these Seven Masters.

Ying Yang's younger brother Ying Qu and Ying Qu's son Ying Zhen both gained fame through literature. Ying Qu rose to Palace Attendant. During Xianxi, Ying Zhen advised the Chancellor of State on military affairs.

CommentaryThe Catalogue of Literary Writings says: Ying Qu, courtesy name Xiulian, was broadly learned, loved composition, and excelled in letters. Under Emperors Wen (Cao Pi) and Ming (Cao Rui) <Bright Emperor; a posthumous imperial title>, he successively served as Regular Attendant Cavalier. After the Prince of Qi (Cao Fang) <the territorial title used for this Wei emperor> took the throne, he gradually became Palace Attendant and Chief Clerk of the General-in-Chief. Cao Shuang, governing, often violated the laws. Ying Qu used poetry to criticize him. Though sometimes playful, his language often struck the urgent matters of the day, and everyone circulated it. Again Palace Attendant, he directed historical writing. He died in the fourth year of Jiaping and was posthumously granted Minister of Guards. Ying Zhen, courtesy name Jifu, became known for talent early and was capable in discussion. During Zhengshi, Xiahou Xuan enjoyed great fame and influence. Ying Zhen once composed a five-character poem at his gathering, which Xiahou Xuan admired. Nominated with a high evaluation, he held distinguished posts. When Emperor Wu of Jin (Sima Yan) <Martial Emperor; the founding Jin emperor> was General-in-Chief Who Soothes the Army, Ying Zhen advised him on military affairs. On Jin's accession he became Palace Attendant to the Crown Prince, then Regular Attendant Cavalier. For his Confucian learning, he joined Grand Commandant Xun Yi in drafting new rites, though these were not implemented. He died in the fifth year of Taishi [泰始 in the supplied text]. His younger brother was Ying Chun. Ying Chun's son Ying Shao (應紹), Gentleman of the Yellow Gates during Yongjia, was killed by Sima Yue. Ying Chun's younger brother Ying Xiu had a son Ying Zhan, General-in-Chief Who Guards the South and Inspector of Jiang Province.

Ruan Yu's son Ruan Ji possessed splendid, unrestrained literary talent and a free and unconventional manner. In personal conduct he had few desires, taking Zhuang Zhou as his model. He rose to Colonel of Infantry.

CommentaryRuan Ji's courtesy name was Sizong. The Spring and Autumn of Wei says: Broad-minded and unrestrained, he did not adhere to ritual custom. Supremely filial, he did not follow ordinary mourning conventions but grieved almost to the destruction of his life. Inspector of Yan Province Wang Chang requested a meeting, yet could not get him to speak all day. Wang Chang admired him and admitted he could not fathom him. Grand Commandant Jiang Ji heard of him and recruited him. Later he became Gentleman of the Masters of Writing and Cao Shuang's military adviser, returning home through illness. Over a year later Cao Shuang was executed. The Grand Tutor and the General-in-Chief then employed Ruan Ji as Attendant Gentleman of the Staff. Court discussion later sought to honor him conspicuously because of his fame. Amid many worldly troubles, however, he sought only an office for subsistence. Hearing that the infantry colonelcy was vacant, with fine wine in its kitchens and soldiers skilled in brewing, he requested it. He then drank deeply and abandoned worldly affairs. Once at Guangwu, viewing the battlefield of Chu and Han, he sighed: “Was the age without outstanding men, letting mere fellows gain fame?” He often drove alone wherever inclination led, avoiding established roads. When the carriage could go no farther, he wept bitterly and returned. In youth he visited Mount Sumen, where a recluse of unknown name had only several hu of bamboo seed and a mortar and pestle. Ruan Ji spoke to him of primordial nonaction and the principles of the Five Emperors and Three Kings. The recluse remained detached, apparently not listening. Ruan Ji then gave a long whistle, clear and resounding. The recluse smiled calmly. After Ruan Ji descended, the recluse also whistled, like the notes of fabulous luan and phoenix birds. Ruan Ji later borrowed Master Sumen's discourse to express his feelings. His song said: “The sun sinks west of Buzhou; The moon rises from the cinnabar depths. The essence of yang is veiled from sight; Yin's light takes its turn as master. Upright splendor lasts a moment; Dimming decline will rise again. Wealth and honor change in a glance; Why must poverty last to the end?” He also sighed: “Heaven and Earth come apart, the six directions open; stars fall and sun and moon decline. If I rise above them, what shall I cherish?” He did not speak of others' faults, yet his natural loftiness made ritualists such as He Zeng hate him deeply. General-in-Chief Sima Wenwang (Sima Zhao) <King Wen; a posthumous royal title> constantly protected him, and he died his natural death. His son Ruan Hun had the courtesy name Changcheng. The Shiyu says: Ruan Hun was known in the capital for calm detachment and few desires. He became Household Gentleman to the Crown Prince and died young.

There was also Ji Kang of Qiao Commandery, whose writing was vigorous and splendid. He liked to discuss Laozi and Zhuangzi, admired extraordinary conduct, and acted as a knight-errant. During Jingyuan he was executed for involvement in a case.

Commentary<Ji Kang's courtesy name was Shuye. According to the Genealogy of the Ji Family, his father, Ji Zhao, courtesy name Ziyuan, was an Attendant Censor for Judicial Affairs supervising army provisions. His elder brother Ji Xi, courtesy name Gongmu, became Inspector of Yang Province and Director of the Imperial Clan under Jin. In his biography of Ji Kang, Ji Xi wrote: “His family had studied Confucian learning for generations. From youth he possessed outstanding talent, a spacious spirit beyond his fellows, lofty integrity, and an independent disposition. He did not cultivate a reputation. Generous and unpretentious, he had great breadth of mind. He studied without instruction from a master and acquired extensive knowledge. As he grew older he delighted in the teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi, remaining tranquil and free of desires. He liked taking substances intended to nourish life and once gathered and consumed superior medicinal plants. He excelled at composing writings and arguments, playing the qin, and chanting poetry, finding satisfaction within himself. He held that becoming an immortal depended on an endowment received from nature, rather than accumulated study. Yet properly guiding and nourishing oneself so as to fulfill one's natural lifespan, as Anqi and Pengzu had done, could be achieved by pursuing the matter well. He wrote the Essay on Nourishing Life. He understood that those who pampered themselves lost the very life they sought to preserve, and those who sought additions necessarily damaged their nature. Transcendent and independently perceptive, he abandoned worldly affairs and gave his mind freedom beyond the dust of ordinary life. He compiled biographies and appreciations of sages, worthies, recluses, those who withdrew their minds, and those who left reputation behind, from the remotest antiquity onward: 119 people in all, from Hundun to Guan Ning. He sought them throughout the universe and brought them to light across a thousand years. Thus people of his own age could find no name adequate to him.” Yu Yu's Book of Jin says: Ji Kang's family originally bore the surname Xi and came from Kuaiji. His ancestors moved from Kuaiji to Zhi County in Qiao and changed their surname to Ji, taking the mountain element at the top of the character 嵇 as their surname, presumably to commemorate their origins. Another account says that Zhi had Mount Ji, beside which the family lived, and that they adopted its name as their surname. The Annals of the Wei Clan says: Ji Kang lived temporarily in Shanyang County, Henei. Those who associated with him never saw him display pleasure or anger. He was friends with Ruan Ji of Chenliu, Shan Tao of Henei, Xiang Xiu of Henan, Ruan Ji's elder brother's son Ruan Xian, Wang Rong of Langye, and Liu Ling of Pei. They wandered together in a bamboo grove and were called the Seven Worthies. Zhong Hui, a favorite of the General-in-Chief <the senior military commander>, heard of Ji Kang's reputation and visited him. The son of a distinguished lord, Zhong Hui enjoyed rank and favor for his talents, rode fine horses, wore light furs, and had guests and attendants as numerous as clouds. Ji Kang was sitting with his legs spread, working at a forge. When Zhong Hui arrived, he offered no ceremonial greeting. Ji Kang asked: “What did you hear that brought you here? What have you seen that takes you away?” Zhong Hui answered: “I came because of what I had heard; I leave because of what I have seen.” Zhong Hui deeply resented this. The General-in-Chief once wished to recruit Ji Kang. Ji Kang had already spoken of severing his connections with the world; moreover, a nephew had behaved badly, and he withdrew to Hedong to avoid the trouble. Some say that he withdrew from the world. When Shan Tao became a gentleman in the personnel selection bureau, he nominated Ji Kang to replace him. Ji Kang wrote refusing, explaining his inability to endure conventional society and disparaging Tang and Wu. The General-in-Chief heard this and became angry. Earlier, Ji Kang had been close to Lü Xun, son of Lü Zhao of Dongping, and to Xun's younger brother Lü An. Lü Xun had illicit relations with Lü An's wife, Lady Xu, then accused Lü An of being unfilial and had him imprisoned. Lü An named Ji Kang as a witness. Bound by a sense of right and unwilling to betray his conscience, Ji Kang vouched for the facts. Lü An too was intensely resolute and possessed the will and ability to aid the world. Zhong Hui urged the General-in-Chief to use the occasion to eliminate them. Lü An and Ji Kang were consequently killed. Facing execution, Ji Kang remained composed. He took up a qin and played it, then sighed: “The noble music ends here!” Everyone at the time mourned him. Earlier, while gathering medicinal plants in the northern mountains of Gong in Ji Commandery, Ji Kang met the recluse Sun Deng. Ji Kang wished to speak with him, but Sun Deng remained silent. After a long time, as he was about to leave, Ji Kang asked: “Will you truly say nothing, sir?” Sun Deng finally said: “You have much talent but little understanding. It will be difficult for you to escape the dangers of the present age.” When caught up in Lü An's case, Ji Kang wrote a poem reproaching himself: “I wished to lessen my faults, / Yet slander and criticism seethed. / My nature harmed no creature, / Yet repeatedly brought resentment and hatred. / Once I felt shame before Liuxia; / Now I blush before Sun Deng. / Within, I have betrayed my former resolve; / Without, I am ashamed before good friends.” His collected writings and arguments amounted to sixty or seventy thousand words, all admired and recited by the world. A Separate Biography of Ji Kang says that Sun Deng told him: “Your nature is fierce and your talent outstanding. Can you escape?” It gives his last words as: “Yuan Xiaoni once studied Guangling San with me, but I always withheld it and would not pass it on. Guangling San now comes to an end!” This differs from Sun Sheng's account. The Spring and Autumn Annals of Jin further says that when Ji Kang met Sun Deng, Sun Deng responded with a long whistle and said nothing for a long time. Taking his leave, Ji Kang asked: “Will you truly say nothing, sir?” Sun Deng answered: “What a pity!” Both books were written by Sun Sheng, yet differ from each other in this way. The catalogue of Ji Kang's collected works says: Sun Deng's courtesy name was Gonghe. His place of origin was unknown. He had no family dependents and was found in an earthen cave in the northern mountains of Ji County. In summer he wove grass into a skirt; in winter he let down his hair to cover himself. He enjoyed reading the Changes and playing the qin. Everyone who saw him felt affection and delight. Whenever he stayed with a household, they supplied clothing, food, and drink, which he accepted without declining. Accounts of the Age says: When Guanqiu Jian rebelled, Ji Kang had the strength to act and wished to raise troops in response. He consulted Shan Tao, who said: “You must not.” Guanqiu Jian had already been defeated. I, your servant Pei Songzhi, observe that the main biography says Ji Kang was executed for involvement in a case during Jingyuan. Yet the books of Gan Bao, Sun Sheng, and Xi Zuochi all say that in the second year of Zhengyuan, King Wen (Sima Zhao) <Sima Zhao's posthumous royal title> returned from Lejia and killed Ji Kang and Lü An. Presumably, because Accounts of the Age says Ji Kang wished to raise troops to support Guanqiu Jian, they assumed he must have been killed immediately after Guanqiu Jian's defeat. This is not what happened. Shan Tao held a personnel selection post and wished to nominate Ji Kang as his replacement; Ji Kang's letter breaking with him is a clear and well-attested matter. Shan Tao's account of conduct shows that he was first appointed a gentleman in the Ministry of Personnel in the second year of Jingyuan. Jingyuan and Zhengyuan are seven or eight years apart. Checked against Shan Tao's account of conduct, the main biography is more reliable. The Biography of Zhong Hui also says Ji Kang was executed when Zhong Hui was Colonel Director of Retainers <the official supervising the metropolitan region>. Zhong Hui held that office during Jingyuan. Gan Bao says that Lü An's elder brother Lü Xun was friendly with Zhong Hui; Lü Xun was a clerk to the Chancellor of State, and both men enjoyed the favor of King Wen (Sima Zhao), which allowed them to secure Lü An's conviction. But King Wen (Sima Zhao) did not receive the office of Chancellor of State until after Zhong Hui and Deng Ai conquered Shu in the fourth year of Jingyuan. If Lü Xun framed Lü An while serving as a clerk to the Chancellor of State, how could Ji Kang and Lü An have been killed in the year Guanqiu Jian was defeated? This is another careless error by Gan Bao, contradicting his own account. Ji Kang's son Ji Shao, courtesy name Yanzu, became known when young. Shan Tao petitioned to have him appointed a gentleman in the Palace Library, saying that Ji Shao was fair-minded, unpretentious, gentle, and perceptive, possessed literary imagination, understood music, and would prove capable of useful achievement. The emperor said: “If Ji Shao is like this, he can be an assistant director at once. There is no need for him to serve as a gentleman again.” He subsequently held a succession of prominent offices. Appreciations of the Lords of Jin says: Ji Shao was close friends with Shan Tao's son Shan Jian and Yang Zhun of Hongnong, sharing their interests; Ji Shao possessed the greatest devotion to loyalty and rectitude. As Palace Attendant he accompanied Emperor Hui (Sima Zhong) on the northern expedition against the Prince of Chengdu (Sima Ying). The imperial army was defeated and the officials fled. Ji Shao alone shielded and defended the emperor with his own body, dying at his side. He therefore received repeated honors, was posthumously appointed Grand Commandant <the senior military office>, and received the posthumous title Duke Zhongmu.>

During Jingchu, Huan Wei of Xiapi, an orphan of humble background, wrote the Scripture of the Undivided Cosmos at eighteen, expressing his ideas through the Way. Beginning as a writing assistant in the household office of the Kingdom of Qi and then a clerk in the office of the Minister over the Masses, he later became Magistrate of Ancheng.

Wu Zhi, a native of Jiyin, won the affection of Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) through his literary talent. He rose to General Who Inspires Martial Awe, received an acting staff of authority to supervise military affairs north of the Yellow River, and was enfeoffed as a ranked marquis.

Commentary<The Brief History of Wei says: Wu Zhi's courtesy name was Jizhong. His talent, learning, and extensive knowledge won the respect and affection of the General of the Household for All Purposes (Cao Pi) and the other noble sons. Wu Zhi also dealt skillfully with the brothers, much as Lou Junqing in an earlier age had associated with the Five Marquises. After the region north of the Yellow River was pacified and the General of the Household for All Purposes (Cao Pi) became heir, Wu Zhi and Liu Zhen were among those who attended his gatherings. When Liu Zhen incurred punishment, Wu Zhi left to become Chief of Zhaoge and was later promoted to Magistrate of Yuancheng. Subsequently, while the General-in-Chief was campaigning westward and the crown prince was south at the small town of Mengjin, the crown prince wrote to Wu Zhi: “Jizhong, I hope you are well! Though the journey is short, official duties impose limits, and my longing to speak with you is truly unbearable. Your district lies in a remote corner, and letters come rarely, increasing my distress. Whenever I recall our former outings at Nanpi, I find them impossible to forget. We pondered the Six Classics with subtle understanding, wandered freely among the hundred schools, sometimes played flicking chess, and ended with board games. Lofty conversation delighted our minds, and the plaintive zither pleased our ears. We rode swiftly over the northern field and dined together in the southern lodge, floating sweet melons in a clear spring and sinking red plums in cold water. When the bright sun set, the luminous moon followed. Sharing carriages, we toured the rear garden. The wheels moved slowly, and guests and attendants made no sound. A clear breeze rose in the night; sorrowful reed pipes sounded softly. Joy departed and sadness came, filling our hearts with grief. Looking around, I said that such happiness could not last. You and the others all agreed. Now we are indeed separated, each in a different place. Yuanyu (Ruan Yu) has departed forever and changed into another form. Whenever the thought strikes me, how can I speak of it? Now Ruibin marks the season, the southern wind stirs all things, the weather is mild and warm, and fruits grow in profusion. Sometimes I drive out, following the bends of the river northward. Attendants sound reed pipes to clear the road, while literary men ride in the following carriage. The season is the same, but the time has changed; the surroundings remain, but the people are gone. How great is my sorrow! I am sending a mounted messenger to Ye, so I have had him make a detour to visit you. Farewell; take care of yourself!” In the twenty-third year, the crown prince again wrote to Wu Zhi: “The years slip away easily. Since we parted, almost four years have passed. Even the East Mountain poem laments the distance of three years apart. Now that more time has passed, how can longing be borne? Though letters go back and forth, they cannot relieve the knot of sorrow. In last year's epidemic, many relatives and old friends met disaster. Xu Gan, Chen Lin, Ying Yang, and Liu Zhen all died at once. How can such pain be expressed? In our former companionship, we shared carriages when traveling and adjoining mats when at rest. When were we ever separated, even for a moment? Whenever cups circulated and strings and bamboo pipes played together, warmed by wine, we looked up and composed poetry. At those moments, we were so happy that we forgot ourselves. We thought a hundred years our allotted span and expected to preserve our fellowship forever. Who imagined that within a few years nearly all would fall away? Speaking of it wounds my heart. Recently I gathered their surviving writings into a single collection. Seeing their names, already a register of the dead, I recall our former outings, still present before my eyes and in my mind. Yet these men have turned to dirt. Can I bear to speak further? Looking at literary men ancient and modern, most paid little attention to minor points of conduct, and few established themselves through reputation and integrity. Weichang (Xu Gan) alone combined cultivated accomplishment with an unadorned nature, tranquil and free of desires, with the aspirations of Mount Ji's recluse. He may indeed be called a refined gentleman. He wrote more than twenty essays of the Balanced Discourses, establishing a school of his own. Their language and meaning are classical and elegant, worthy of transmission to posterity. This man will be immortal. Delian (Ying Yang) constantly displayed a splendid ambition to compose. His talent and learning were sufficient to write a book. That his noble aspiration went unfulfilled is truly painful. Recently I have read through these men's writings, wiping away tears as I faced them. Grieving for the departed, I also reflect on myself. Kongzhang (Chen Lin) was especially vigorous in formal documents and memorials, though somewhat profuse. Gonggan (Liu Zhen) possessed unrestrained spirit, though it had not yet become fully mature; his five-character poems, however, were unequaled in their time. Yuanyu (Ruan Yu) wrote graceful letters and documents, truly a pleasure to read. Zhongxuan (Wang Can) alone excelled in rhapsodies. Regrettably, his constitution was weak and could not sustain his writing [whether bodily constitution or literary structure is intended remains uncertain]. In his strengths, however, the ancients could scarcely surpass him by much. Long ago Boya broke his strings for Zhong Ziqi, and Confucius overturned the minced meat for Zilu: one grieved at the difficulty of finding an understanding listener, the other mourned a disciple he could no longer reach. These men merely fell short of the ancients; each was an outstanding talent of his age. Those who survive today already fail to match them. The young may inspire awe, and the future cannot be dismissed, but you and I will not live to see it. I have grown older and hold a thousand concerns. Sometimes my thoughts keep me from closing my eyes all night. When shall things again be as they were? I have already become an old man, though my hair is not yet white. Emperor Guangwu (Liu Xiu) said: ‘Already thirty, ten years in the army, and many experiences behind me.’ Though my virtue falls short of his, my age is the same. With the substance of dogs and sheep, I wear the patterned hide of tigers and leopards; lacking the brightness of the stars, I borrow the radiance of the sun and moon. Every movement attracts scrutiny. When can it be easy? I fear we shall never again enjoy our former outings. Youth and strength truly demand effort. Once years have passed, how can one seize them again? The ancients had good reason to think of carrying candles on nighttime outings. How have you lately amused yourself? Have you composed anything further? Looking east, I choke with grief and write this letter to express my heart.” I, your servant Pei Songzhi, include the entire text given in the Brief History of Wei because, although the main biography quotes this letter in abbreviated form, many beautiful passages were omitted. After the crown prince became king, he again wrote to Wu Zhi: “Of those who enjoyed the Nanpi outings, three survive. Liezu [the ancestor designated by this title is not explicitly identified here] has risen like a dragon; some have become generals, others marquises. You alone linger in a lowly place. Of those who accompanied me, you alone have not reached the gate. When the bottle is empty, the great jar feels shame. How can I fail to feel ashamed? The road is not called distant; now let us hear from each other again.” Earlier, Cao Zhen and Cao Xiu had joined Wu Zhi and the others in their outings in Bohai. By this time, Cao Xiu and Cao Zhen had both received enfeoffments as imperial kinsmen and gone out as commanding generals, while Wu Zhi remained chief clerk. The king, aware that Wu Zhi had expectations, mentioned the other two to comfort him. Wu Zhi came from a family without powerful connections. In youth he associated with noble relatives, apparently taking little part in the fortunes of his home community. Thus, even after he entered office, his native commandery still did not accord him the standing of a gentleman. When Wei possessed the realm, Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) summoned Wu Zhi to meet the imperial carriage at Luoyang. On arrival he was appointed Northern General of the Household, enfeoffed as a ranked marquis, and sent with a staff of authority to supervise the armies of You and Bing Provinces, with headquarters at Xindu. During Taihe he attended court. Resenting his native commandery's failure to give him credit, he told the Minister over the Masses, Dong Zhao: “I want to piss on my home community.” Dong Zhao replied: “You had better stop. I am eighty and cannot in my old age become your ‘urine gathering’ [溺攢, an obscure expression in this exchange].” Accounts of the Age says: Once, when the King of Wei (Cao Cao) set out on campaign, his heir and the Marquis of Linzi (Cao Zhi) both saw him off beside the road. Cao Zhi praised his achievements and virtues in finely formed language. Everyone looked toward him, and the king was pleased. The heir was dismayed and at a loss. Wu Zhi whispered in his ear: “When the king leaves, you need only shed tears.” At the farewell, the heir wept and bowed. The king and his attendants all sobbed. They consequently judged Cao Zhi's words overly ornate and his sincerity inferior. A Separate Biography of Wu Zhi says: The emperor once summoned Wu Zhi and Cao Xiu for a cheerful gathering and ordered Empress Guo to come out and meet them. The emperor said: “Raise your eyes and look closely at her.” Such was their intimacy. In the fifth year of Huangchu, Wu Zhi attended court at the capital. An edict ordered the Senior General and everyone from the rank of Specially Advanced downward to gather at Wu Zhi's quarters, with the imperial caterer providing supplies. When they were warmed by wine, Wu Zhi wished to make the entertainment complete. The Senior General, Cao Zhen, was fat, while the Central Commandant, Zhu Shuo, was thin. Wu Zhi summoned entertainers to perform about fatness and thinness. Cao Zhen, conscious of his rank and ashamed to be mocked, angrily asked Wu Zhi: “Do you mean to treat me as a subordinate commander?” General of Agile Cavalry Cao Hong and General of Light Chariots Wang Zhong said: “If you insist on making the Senior General take the fat role, you should take the thin one yourself.” Cao Zhen grew angrier, drew his sword, and glared: “If an entertainer dares behave so insolently, I shall cut him down!” He then cursed the company. Wu Zhi laid his hand on his sword and said: “Cao Zidan (Cao Zhen), you are no meat on a butcher's block! I, Wu Zhi, can swallow you without moving my throat and chew you without moving my teeth. How dare you rely on power and act arrogantly?” Zhu Shuo rose and said: “His Majesty sent us to entertain you. Must it come to this?” Wu Zhi turned and shouted: “Zhu Shuo, do you dare spoil the gathering?” The generals all returned to their seats. Zhu Shuo, impetuous by nature, grew still angrier, drew his sword on returning, and struck the ground. The gathering then broke up. When Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) died, Wu Zhi composed a poem in mourning: “Grieving, I harbor profound sorrow; / Such sorrow gives no place to rest. / I pace about, unable to sit, / Going in and out with faltering steps. / I remember the sage ruler's favor, / Honors and rank beyond the common lot. / I thought they would last my lifetime, / My spirit just beginning to unfold. / How could I expect abandonment midway, / As he left me for the yellow earth? / Alone, with nothing to rely upon, / My tears fall like strings of pearls. / To follow him in death would bring no benefit; / My body would die, my name remain unrecorded. / Stirred with feeling, I compel myself to strive, / Hoping to be a man of noble resolve.” In the fourth year of Taihe, Wu Zhi entered court as Palace Attendant. At the time, the Minister of Works, Chen Qun, supervised the affairs of the Masters of Writing, and the emperor had recently begun personally attending to the myriad affairs of government. Holding that ministers who assisted the ruler were the foundation of security or danger, Wu Zhi highly praised General of Agile Cavalry Sima Yi before the emperor: “Loyal, wise, and completely impartial, he is a minister who upholds the altars of state. Chen Qun is a man of cultivated composure, but lacks the ability of a chancellor. He holds a weighty appointment without attending to its business.” The emperor readily accepted this. The next day, a severe edict admonished Chen Qun. People consequently said that the Minister of Works was inferior to Changwen (Chen Qun)—the same man—meaning that his reputation lacked substance. Wu Zhi died that summer. Because he had previously relied on power and acted without restraint, he received the posthumous title Marquis Chou <“Ugly” or “Disgraceful”>. His son Wu Ying repeatedly petitioned over this injustice. Only during Zhengyuan was the posthumous title changed to Marquis Wei <“Awe-inspiring”>. Wu Ying, courtesy name Wenshu, became a Master of Writing under Jin. Wu Ying's son Wu Kang, courtesy name Zizhong, was renowned in his time and likewise reached high office.>

Wei Ji, courtesy name Boru, was from Anyi in Hedong. Precocious from youth, he was known for talent and learning. Taizu (Cao Cao) recruited him as a clerk in the office of the Minister of Works and appointed him Magistrate of Maoling and then a gentleman among the Masters of Writing. When Taizu (Cao Cao) campaigned against Yuan Shao, Liu Biao supported Yuan Shao, while the generals of Guanzhong remained neutral. Liu Zhang, Governor of Yi Province, was at odds with Liu Biao. As Attendant Censor for Judicial Affairs, Wei Ji was sent to Yi Province to have Liu Zhang send troops downstream to tie down Liu Biao's army. Upon reaching Chang'an, he found the roads blocked and could not proceed, so he stayed to oversee Guanzhong. At the time, many displaced people were returning from all directions. The generals of Guanzhong frequently drew them into their own military households. Wei Ji wrote to Xun Yu: “Guanzhong is fertile land. During the recent devastation and disorder, more than a hundred thousand households fled from it to Jing Province. Hearing that their homeland is peaceful, they all look eagerly toward returning. But returnees have no means of making a living, and the generals compete to attract them as their own military dependents. Impoverished and weak, the commanderies and counties cannot compete, so the military establishments grow stronger. Should any disturbance arise, this will certainly cause trouble later. Salt is a great treasure of the state. Since the disorder began, its management has been dispersed and uncontrolled. Commissioners should be appointed as before to supervise its sale and use the proceeds to buy more plow oxen. These should be supplied to returning people. Diligent cultivation and the accumulation of grain will enrich and populate Guanzhong. Once distant people hear of this, they will compete to return day and night. The Colonel Director of Retainers should also remain in Guanzhong to take charge. Then the generals will weaken daily, while the government's people become more numerous each day. This is the advantage of strengthening the root and weakening potential enemies.” Xun Yu reported this to Taizu (Cao Cao), who adopted it. He first sent the Director of Receptionists to supervise the salt administration and stationed the Colonel Director of Retainers at Hongnong. Once Guanzhong submitted, Xun Yu requested Wei Ji's recall. Wei Ji was gradually promoted to Master of Writing.

Commentary<The Book of Wei says: When the Han court moved, the established practices of the central offices fell into disarray. After the capital was established at Xu, an administrative framework gradually took shape. Wei Ji corrected and settled many matters by reference to ancient principles. At this time, the generals west of the passes outwardly professed allegiance, but their inward loyalty remained uncertain. Zhong Yao, Colonel Director of Retainers, requested three thousand troops to enter the passes, ostensibly to attack Zhang Lu but actually to intimidate the generals into providing hostages. Taizu (Cao Cao) had Xun Yu consult Wei Ji. Wei Ji considered that “the western generals are all men of humble station who have suddenly risen. They have no ambition to dominate the realm, but merely wish to enjoy present security. The state has now generously conferred ranks and titles on them, satisfying their aspirations. Unless some major incident occurs, there is no reason to fear rebellion. Longer-term plans should be made. If troops enter Guanzhong claiming to attack Zhang Lu, whose territory lies in deep mountains without accessible roads, the generals will certainly grow suspicious. Once they alarm one another, their difficult terrain and powerful forces will make the consequences hard to calculate!” Xun Yu presented Wei Ji's opinion to Taizu (Cao Cao). Taizu (Cao Cao) initially approved, but because Zhong Yao himself was responsible for the assignment, ultimately followed Zhong Yao's proposal. As soon as the troops advanced, the region west of the passes rose in a great rebellion. Taizu (Cao Cao) campaigned in person and subdued it only with difficulty; the dead numbered in the tens of thousands. Regretting his failure to follow Wei Ji's advice, Taizu (Cao Cao) thereafter esteemed him still more.>

After the state of Wei was established, Wei Ji was appointed Palace Attendant and, together with Wang Can, took charge of its institutions and regulations. When Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) succeeded to his position, Wei Ji was transferred to Master of Writing. Shortly afterward he returned to the Han court as an attendant gentleman, advocated and assisted the transfer of the throne, and composed the proclamation announcing it. When Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) ascended the imperial throne, Wei Ji again became Master of Writing and was enfeoffed as Marquis of Yangji Village.

When Emperor Ming (Cao Rui) succeeded, Wei Ji was advanced to Marquis of Wen District, with three hundred households.

Wei Ji memorialized: “The Nine-Chapter Code has been transmitted since antiquity. Its principles for determining criminal penalties are subtle and profound. The chief officials of every hundred-li jurisdiction should understand the statutes. Penal law is something the state values highly, yet private opinion treats it lightly; judicial officers hold the people's lives in their hands, yet those responsible for appointments regard such posts as lowly. Defects in royal government may well arise from this. I request the establishment of Erudites of Law, who can teach others in succession.” The proposal was implemented. At the time, the population was impoverished and exhausted, while labor demands were increasingly heavy. Wei Ji submitted a memorial:

“To change one's inclinations, discipline one's nature, and force oneself to do what one cannot readily do: for a minister to speak of this is difficult, and for a ruler to accept it is harder still. What people delight in is wealth, rank, distinction, and glory; what they hate is poverty, lowliness, death, and destruction. These alternatives lie within the ruler's control. If the ruler favors someone, that person gains wealth, rank, distinction, and glory; if the ruler hates someone, poverty, lowliness, death, and destruction follow. Compliance with the ruler's wishes brings favor; opposition brings hatred. Thus ministers compete to comply and avoid opposing him. Unless prepared to ruin his household for the state and sacrifice his life to fulfill his ruler's purposes, who can face an angry countenance, touch forbidden subjects, and offer even one statement or proposal? If Your Majesty attends closely to this, the feelings of your ministers will become clear. Today's commentators mostly favor words pleasing to the ear. Speaking of government, they compare Your Majesty to Yao and Shun; speaking of campaigns, they compare the two enemy rulers to wildcats and mice. I do not agree. Under Emperor Wen of Han (Liu Heng), the regional lords were powerful, and Jia Yi repeatedly sighed at the extreme danger. How much more so now, when the realm is divided into three and able men exert themselves for their respective masters! Those who surrender to us do not willingly say that they abandoned error for the right. All say they were driven by desperate circumstances. This differs in no way from the divided rule of the Six States. Today, no household smoke rises for a thousand li, and the surviving people suffer hardship. Unless Your Majesty gives this proper attention, they will fall into such decline that recovery becomes difficult. Ritual prescribes gold and jade decoration for the Son of Heaven's vessels and the flavors of the Eight Delicacies in his meals; yet in famine and scarcity, dishes are removed and clothing reduced. Thus the proper measure of luxury or frugality must depend on the abundance or scarcity of the age. In the time of Emperor Wu (Cao Cao), meals in the rear palace contained no more than one meat dish. Clothing used no brocade or embroidery; mats and bedding had no ornamental edging; utensils had no vermilion lacquer. In this way he pacified the realm and left blessings to his descendants. Your Majesty personally witnessed all this. The present task requires ruler and ministers, high and low, to combine their plans, examine the treasuries, and match spending to revenue. Even if we reflect deeply on Goujian's methods of nourishing the people, we should fear that we are falling short. Yet the gold and silver objects made by the Imperial Workshop increase steadily; artisans' labor never ceases; extravagance grows daily, and treasury reserves are exhausted day by day. Emperor Wu of Han (Liu Che) believed in seeking immortality. Thinking that dew above the clouds could be used to consume powdered jade, he erected an immortal's palm to catch dew from on high. Your Majesty, clear-sighted and discerning, has often criticized and laughed at this. Emperor Wu of Han (Liu Che) sought something from the dew and was nevertheless criticized; Your Majesty seeks nothing from it yet erects such a structure for no purpose. It adds nothing to your pleasure while wasting labor. These are truly matters that your sage judgment should restrain.”

Serving under both Han and Wei, Wei Ji repeatedly offered loyal advice of this kind.

He received an edict to direct historical compilation and also wrote the Ceremonial Practices of Wei Officials. His writings totaled several dozen pieces. He loved ancient-script characters, bird-style seal script, clerical script, and cursive, excelling in them all. Late in Jian'an, Pan Xu of Henan, Assistant Director of the Right among the Masters of Writing,

Commentary<The Record of Literary Writings says: Pan Xu's courtesy name was Yuanmao. Originally named Zhi, he changed his name to Xu; the later change avoided a naming taboo. Another account says that during Emperor Xian (Liu Xie)'s reign he was a gentleman among the Masters of Writing and was promoted to Assistant Director of the Right. An edict observed that in his previous service in the Two-Thousand-Bushel Bureau he had shown quick and versatile ability and thorough knowledge of established practice, and ordered him concurrently to retain his original duties. He repeatedly received special gifts. In the twentieth year he was promoted to Chancellor of Donghai, but before departing was retained and appointed Assistant Director of the Left among the Masters of Writing. He died of illness that year, aged over fifty. He composed the document conferring the Nine Bestowments on the Duke of Wei (Cao Cao). His son Pan Man, Administrator of Pingyuan, was likewise known for learning and conduct. Pan Man's son Pan Ni had the courtesy name Zhengshu. A Separate Biography of Pan Ni says: From youth he possessed refined talent and gentle, elegant diction. He first accepted recruitment by the provincial administration, but later returned to support his aged father. He remained at home for more than ten years. Only after his father's death did he enter office again, late in life. Pan Ni once sent a poem to Lu Ji, who replied. Four lines read: “Admirable Master Pan! / Your family has long abounded in literary beauty. / You look up to earlier writings as your model, / Greatly exalting your forefathers.” His final office was Minister of Ceremonies. Pan Ni's paternal uncle Pan Yue had the courtesy name Anren. A Separate Biography of Pan Yue says: He was handsome and became famous early for exceptional talent. His writings were pure and ornate beyond compare. While serving as a Gentleman of the Yellow Gate, he was killed by Sun Xiu. The writings of both Pan Ni and Pan Yue were esteemed by the world. Pan Ni's nephew Pan Tao had the courtesy name Tangzhong. Appreciations of the Lords of Jin says: Pan Tao was known for extensive learning, talent, and breadth of judgment. Late in Yongjia he was Intendant of Henan and was killed.>

and, during Huangchu, Wang Xiang of Henei, Regular Mounted Attendant, were also distinguished for literary writing alongside Wei Ji.

Wei Ji died and received the posthumous title Marquis Jing. His son Wei Guan succeeded him. During Xianxi, Wei Guan became General Who Guards the West.

Commentary<The Spring and Autumn Annals of Jin says: Wei Guan's courtesy name was Boyu. Pure and steadfast, he understood the principles of names and distinctions, and in youth was recognized by Fu Gu. Around twenty he became a gentleman among the Masters of Writing, subsequently holding offices inside and outside the capital and becoming Director of the Masters of Writing, Minister of Works, and Grand Guardian under Jin. Early in Emperor Hui (Sima Zhong)'s reign he assisted in government and was killed by the Prince of Chu (Sima Wei). Accounts of the Age says: Wei Guan and Suo Jing of Dunhuang, Internal Administrator of Fufeng, both excelled in cursive calligraphy. Wei Guan's son Wei Heng, courtesy name Jushan, was a Gentleman of the Yellow Gate. Wei Heng's son Wei Jie, courtesy name Shubao, enjoyed a great reputation, served as Attendant to the Crown Prince, and died young.>

Liu Yi, courtesy name Gongsi, was from Anzhong in Nanyang. At ten, while playing in a lecture hall, he had his head stroked by Sima Hui of Yingchuan, courtesy name Decao,, who said: “Child, child! ‘Yellow at the center, understanding the pattern’: can you really be unaware of this yourself?” Liu Yi's elder brother Liu Wangzhi was renowned in his day. Liu Biao, Governor of Jing Province, recruited him as an attendant officer. Two of his friends were both executed by Liu Biao because of slander. Liu Wangzhi's own forthright remonstrance also met disapproval, so he surrendered his credentials and announced his return home. Liu Yi told him: “When Zhao killed Ming and Du, Confucius turned his carriage around.

Commentary<Liu Xiang's New Prefaces says: Zhao Jianzi wished to dominate the realm and told his minister: “Zhao has Du Chou, Jin has Duo Ming, and Lu has Kong Qiu. If I kill these three, I can become king of the realm.” He summoned Du Chou and Duo Ming, questioned them about government, and then killed them. He sent an envoy to invite Confucius from Lu and greet him at the river with meat from a half-ox. The envoy told the boatman: “Once Confucius boards, let the boat drift in midstream and kill him.” When Confucius arrived, the envoy delivered the invitation and presented the ox meat. Confucius looked to heaven and sighed: “How beautiful this water is, how vast! That I should not cross it must be fate.” Zilu hurried forward and asked: “May I ask what you mean?” Confucius answered: “Du Chou and Duo Ming were worthy grandees of Jin. Before Zhao Jianzi achieved his ambitions, he depended on them to participate in government. Once he had succeeded, he killed them. A yellow dragon does not return to a dried-up marsh; the phoenix does not remain in a snaring net. When fetuses are cut from the womb and forests burned, the qilin does not come; when nests are overturned and eggs broken, the phoenix does not soar; when marshes are drained to catch fish, tortoises and dragons do not appear. Even birds and beasts know to avoid inhumanity. How much more should I! Thus when the tiger roars, a wind rises in the valley; when the dragon stirs, auspicious clouds appear. Strike a courtyard bell outside, and the Yellow Bell responds within. Things of the same kind affect one another, and their spirits answer each other, as an echo answers a sound and a shadow resembles a form. Therefore the gentleman avoids those who harm his kind. He has now killed my kind. Why should I go there?” He turned his carriage around and returned without crossing.>

“Now, brother, if you cannot follow Liuxia Hui in tempering your brilliance and mingling with the dust within the court, you should model yourself on Fan Li and move away outside it. To sit here cutting yourself off from the age is surely impossible!” Liu Wangzhi did not listen and was soon killed as well. Frightened, Liu Yi fled to Yang Province,

Commentary<A Separate Biography of Liu Yi records the letter of farewell and explanation that he composed to Liu Biao while traveling: “My late father, Ju (匊), received undeserved favor and the distinction of honorable appointment. Before he could achieve deeds like those joining Guan Zhong and Hu Yan to Duke Huan of Qi (Jiang Xiaobai) and Duke Wen of Jin (Ji Chong'er), he failed that kindness and lost his life, his sincere intentions unfulfilled. My elder brother Wangzhi received your courtesy in the past, but without accomplishing the work of continuing and illuminating our predecessor's foundation, he failed to offer private counsel with sufficient discretion and fell under the law's calamity. This was the failure of the bright spirits to protect him, a disaster sent down by Heaven. Regret burdens us, and lamentation cannot reach him. Foolish and shallow as I am, often erring in word and deed, I feared the workings of insinuation and accusations repeated three times. With affection for my late father already diminished and the charge against Wangzhi still standing, I would inevitably damage your heavenly kindness toward our former relationship and bring extinction on our household, becoming a laughingstock to the discerning. Thus I have fled, traveling far over rivers and roads. Today I have reached Xunyang in Lujiang. In former times Zhong Yi preserved the music of the south, and Jiao Ju cherished the memory of spreading thorn branches to sit upon. Though far away, I remain as though near. Dare I forget your former generosity?” Master Fu says: After Liu Biao killed Liu Wangzhi, the gentlemen of Jing Province all feared for themselves. Liu Biao had not originally regarded Liu Wangzhi lightly. That straightforward opposition to his feelings allowed slander to enter showed that he lacked the capacity to tolerate frankness. His inability to achieve success despite possessing the whole land of Chu may well have resulted from this. Boyi and Shuqi won fame by opposing King Wu of Zhou (Ji Fa); Ding Gong met execution after accommodating Emperor Gaozu (Liu Bang). The breadth of the two rulers was great. Without enlarging one's capacity, following only a narrow heart, it is difficult to embrace the people and sustain a multitude.>

and eventually joined Taizu (Cao Cao). Taizu (Cao Cao) recruited him as a clerk in the Chancellor's office; he was transferred to literary adviser to the General of the Household for All Purposes (Cao Pi). Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) valued him and instructed him to send letters in cursive script. Liu Yi replied: “Originally I considered that differences between superior and inferior are established distinctions of ritual. Thus I clung to my modest scruple and dared not write in cursive. If your stern instruction must be followed, I truly recognize your habitual diligence and modesty: you do not prize exceptional ability only at so lofty a level, but favor those in humble homes so warmly. If Guo Wei is not slighted in Yan and the multiplication table is not disregarded in Qi, Yue Yi will come of his own accord and the enterprise of hegemony will flourish.

“Though I diminish an ordinary man's scruple, I complete your towering virtue. Foolish and slow as I am, how dare I refuse?” When the state of Wei was first established, he became a Gentleman of the Yellow Gate.

When Taizu (Cao Cao) was at Chang'an and intended to campaign personally against Shu, Liu Yi submitted a memorial:

“The sage does not use his wisdom to slight ordinary people, and the king does not reject words because of the speaker. Thus those who accomplish achievements lasting a thousand years must judge the distant from the near; those whose wisdom is sufficient for independent decisions are not ashamed to consult those below them. They too wish to gather broadly and exhaust the opinions of the multitude. Leather and bowstring cannot speak, yet sages and worthies use them to correct themselves. Dark and shallow in talent and wisdom, I wish to compare myself to leather and bowstring. Yue Yi could use weak Yan to defeat mighty Qi, yet could not settle Jimo with lightly equipped troops: those planning for their own survival remain firm even when weak, while those bringing about their own collapse will be defeated even when strong. Since Your Highness first raised an army more than thirty years ago, no enemy has escaped defeat and no powerful opponent has failed to submit. Now, with the forces of the realm and the prestige of a hundred victories, Sun Quan still relies on Wu's defenses, and Liu Bei refuses submission in Shu. The subjects of those border peoples do not match the soldiers of Ji Province; Sun Quan's and Liu Bei's resources do not compare with Yuan Shao's holdings. Yet Benchu (Yuan Shao) has perished while the two enemies remain unconquered. It is not that your wisdom and martial strength belonged to the past and have now become blindness and weakness. Rather, those planning for their own survival stand differently from those bringing about their own collapse. Thus King Wen of Zhou (Ji Chang) attacked Chong but failed to take it in three expeditions. He returned and cultivated virtue, then obtained its submission. While Qin was a regional state, every target of its campaigns submitted. Yet after unifying the realm and facing east as emperor, it saw its altars of state destroyed when an ordinary man shouted aloud. Its strength was exhausted abroad, while it failed to care for the people within. I fear that the enemies on our borders are no opponents comparable to the Six States, yet the world never lacks talented men. The possibility of collapse like crumbling earth must be examined. There are ways to increase gains and ways to increase losses. If a situation can be won and we exert ourselves, gains increase; if it cannot be won and we exert ourselves, losses increase. For present policy, nothing is better than assessing the difficult terrain in all directions, choosing strategic positions to defend, selecting the best armored troops of the realm, and rotating them annually by region. Your Highness may then rest at ease in a spacious residence and ponder government deeply. Expand farming and sericulture, conduct affairs frugally, and maintain this for ten years: the state will be wealthy and the people secure.”

Taizu (Cao Cao) nevertheless advanced and replied to Liu Yi: “It is not only the ruler who should understand his ministers; ministers should also understand their ruler. You now wish me to sit and practice the virtue of the Lord of the West (Ji Chang). I fear I am not that man.”

When Wei Feng rebelled, Liu Yi's younger brother Liu Wei had been drawn into his circle, and Liu Yi faced execution through implication. Taizu (Cao Cao) ordered: “Shuxiang was not implicated by his younger brother Hu. This was the ancient rule.” He specially pardoned Liu Yi and made no inquiry,

and transferred him to an appointment as clerk in the Granaries Bureau of the Chancellor's office. Liu Yi memorialized in thanks: “My crime deserved the overthrow of my lineage; disaster should have destroyed my clan. Yet I encountered the divine power of Heaven and Earth and the fortune of a favorable moment. You lifted the boiling water to still its seething, keeping me from burning and disintegrating; you raised smoke from cold ashes and brought blossoms to withered wood. Creatures cannot repay Heaven and Earth for their gifts, and children cannot thank their parents adequately for life. I may repay you through death, but cannot set it out with a brush.”

Commentary<A Separate Biography of Liu Yi records his memorial, Discussion of the Way of Government: “Long ago Zhou had ten ministers who brought order. Since one was a woman, there were only nine men. Confucius said: ‘Talent is difficult to obtain—is this not so?’ This makes clear the difficulty of obtaining worthy men. How much more so after disorder and devastation, when the people have dwindled away and few gentlemen survive! Though the great offices serving as the ruler's limbs, provincial and commandery supervisory posts, and important frontier commands have their positions filled, they have not necessarily obtained the right people. This does not mean the selectors are inattentive; scarcity of talent causes it. How then can every lesser chief official and minor office be filled by a carefully selected, suitable person? The best policy is to supervise them through law. Otherwise, frequent transfers and replacements produce endless coming and going, with incalculable trouble in farewell and reception. Transfers also create opportunities for fraud. Besides failing to simplify business, those governing know that they cannot remain settled long, that wise and beneficial policies will not come to fruition under them, and that expediency can save them from trouble. They will all neglect wholehearted care for the people and dream instead of reputation. This is not the fundamental purpose of government. Current dismissals and promotions have lately depended largely on praise and blame from provinces and commanderies and on floating rumors brought by travelers. Are actual facts being obtained and ability truly assessed? What makes a good chief official is upholding the law, caring for public affairs, and cherishing the people. These three things may inconvenience provincial or commandery authorities and displease travelers. If the official persists, his administration may be sound but his reputation poor; if he abandons them to please others, his administration may fail but praise will gather. When chief officials know that dismissal and promotion depend on this, how can they avoid abandoning the root for the branches? I consider that chief officials should all remain somewhat longer, with enough time to display their abilities. Assess performance annually, make an overall reckoning after three years, and only then dismiss or promote. Assessment must rest on deeds, never reputation. Deeds should be measured by the amount of cultivated land relative to population, the occurrence of banditry, and the flight or rebellion of the people, as the reckoning of success or failure. If this is practiced, building a reputation will not help an incapable official, and lack of reputation will not harm a capable one. Once the law operates, fraudulent praise and unfounded blame can be eliminated even without supervision by inspecting officials.” When this was submitted, Taizu (Cao Cao) greatly approved.>

Liu Yi wrote several dozen pieces, and his discussions with Ding Yi on punishments and ritual also circulated in the world.

When Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) succeeded as king, Liu Yi became Palace Attendant and received the rank of Marquis Within the Passes. He died in the second year of Huangchu.

He had no son. The emperor appointed his younger brother's son Liu Fu as his successor.

Liu Shao, courtesy name Kongcai, was from Handan in Guangping. During Jian'an he went to Xu as an accounts officer. The Grand Astrologer reported: “There will be a solar eclipse on New Year's Day.” Liu Shao was then with Xun Yu, Director of the Masters of Writing, among several dozen men seated together. Some said the court audience should be canceled; others that the gathering should be postponed. Liu Shao said: “Zi Shen and Bi Zao were excellent observers in antiquity, yet their predictions of flood and fire still misjudged Heaven's timing. The Record of Rites says there are four circumstances in which regional lords assembling to see the Son of Heaven reach the gate but cannot complete the ceremony; a solar eclipse is one. Thus, in establishing institutions, the sages did not cancel court ritual in advance because of an anomaly. The calamity might disappear and the anomaly subside, or the calculations might be mistaken.” Xun Yu approved and ordered the court gathering to proceed as usual. There was indeed no eclipse.

Commentary<During Yonghe under Jin, Wang Biaozhi, Commandant of Justice, wrote to Yin Hao, Inspector of Yang Province: “The Grand Astrologer reports a conjunction of sun and moon on New Year's Day. Some discussants wonder whether the gathering should be postponed. In the first year of Jianyuan there was likewise a conjunction on New Year's Day, and General of Chariots and Cavalry Yu [personal name not given here] copied Liu Kongcai (Liu Shao)'s discussion for the Eight Seats <the senior officers of the Secretariat>. Court opinion at that time held that Kongcai's argument failed to accord with ritual and that Director Xun (Xun Yu), in following it, had made one of even an excellent man's mistakes. Why? Ritual says that when the regional lords assemble to see the Son of Heaven, four circumstances prevent completion after they have entered: fire in the ancestral temple, a solar eclipse, the empress's death, and rain soaking their robes and spoiling their appearance. Examining these four, I consider that the lords cannot complete the ceremony if such an event suddenly occurs after their entry. It does not mean knowingly allowing for the event while hoping the astrologers' calculations are wrong and therefore refusing to cancel in advance. Among disasters affecting the Three Luminaries <sun, moon, and stars>, none is greater than a solar eclipse. If the astrologer announces a heavenly rebuke, yet the ruler shows no fear, fails to perform preventive rites, abandons measures to avert disaster, and instead grandly entertains Chinese and non-Chinese guests while ruler and ministers congratulate one another, can this be called accepting blame before a heavenly calamity? Furthermore, in actual practice, during the conjunction rites His Supreme Majesty remains still in the palace hall and does not hear government business. The prescribed ceremonial robes and position at the palace gate differ from those of the New Year assembly. Since both cannot be performed together, their relative appropriateness must be weighed. The conjunction rites are no less weighty than the New Year assembly. The New Year assembly has precedents allowing postponement; there is no justification for abandoning the conjunction rites. I consider that we should follow the Jianyuan precedent and postpone the New Year assembly.” Yin Hao followed this advice, and the gathering was postponed.>

Xi Lü, Censor-in-Chief, recruited Liu Shao, but Xi Lü was dismissed just then. Liu Shao was appointed an attendant in the crown prince's household and promoted to gentleman in the Palace Library. During Huangchu he became a gentleman among the Masters of Writing and then a Mounted Attendant Gentleman. He received an edict to collect material from the Five Classics and other books, arranging it by category to compile the Imperial Survey. When Emperor Ming (Cao Rui) succeeded, Liu Shao went out as Administrator of Chenliu, diligently promoting moral instruction and winning the people's praise. Recalled as Commandant of Cavalry, he joined the consultant gentlemen Yu Yi, Xun Shen, and others in settling regulations and ordinances, producing eighteen chapters of the New Statutes and writing a concise discussion of the law. He was promoted to Regular Mounted Attendant. When news arrived that Gongsun Yuan had accepted the title King of Yan from Sun Quan, discussants wished to detain Gongsun Yuan's accounts officers and send troops against him. Liu Shao argued: “When the Yuan Shang brothers fled to Gongsun Yuan's father Gongsun Kang, Gongsun Kang beheaded them and sent their heads. This was loyal service by Gongsun Yuan's predecessor. Moreover, we cannot yet determine whether the report is true. In antiquity, when distant border regions failed to submit, rulers cultivated virtue rather than campaign against them, considering the people's labor precious. We should show leniency and allow him to make a fresh start.” Later Gongsun Yuan did indeed send the heads of Sun Quan's envoys Zhang Mi and the others. Liu Shao had written a Rhapsody on the Capital of Zhao. Emperor Ming (Cao Rui) admired it and ordered him to compose rhapsodies on Xu and Luoyang. At the time armies were campaigning abroad and palaces were being built at home. Both rhapsodies therefore contained indirect remonstrance.

During Qinglong, Wu besieged Hefei. Officials and soldiers in the east were then taking leave in rotation. General Who Campaigns against the East Man Chong petitioned for central army troops and the recall of officers and soldiers on leave, intending to attack once they assembled. Liu Shao argued: “The enemy has newly arrived, with concentrated purpose and sharp morale. If Man Chong immediately advances with his small force to fight on its own ground, he cannot necessarily prevail. His request to wait for troops is no mistake. We should first send five thousand infantry and three thousand picked cavalry ahead of the army, loudly announcing their advance and displaying an impressive force. When the cavalry reaches Hefei, it should spread its formations, multiply its banners and drums, display arms beneath the city, and draw around behind the enemy, threatening its retreat and cutting its supply routes. Hearing that a great army is coming and that cavalry has cut off its rear, the enemy will certainly panic and flee. It will defeat itself without battle.” The emperor followed this. By the time the troops reached Hefei, the enemy had indeed withdrawn.

At the time an edict sought worthy men widely. Mounted Attendant Gentleman Xiahou Hui recommended Liu Shao: “I respectfully observe that Regular Attendant Liu Shao is deeply loyal and thoughtful, with a comprehensive grasp of methods and principles. Whatever he brings together has broad and far-reaching sources and developments. Thus talented people of every degree each draw on what accords with them and weigh it. Men of sincere substance accept his fairness, harmony, goodness, and rectitude; men of quiet purity admire his profound detachment and modest yielding; learned scholars praise his detailed and exact investigations and calculations; experts in law recognize the precision of his distinctions and comparisons; thoughtful men understand his depth and firmness; literary men love his arguments and compositions; students of institutions value his grasp of the essentials of transformative government; strategists commend his clear thinking and penetration of subtleties. All these judgments select what suits each observer's strength and identify only a tributary of his ability. I have often heard his pure discussions and read his weighty arguments. Immersed in them over the years, I have cherished them ever longer and truly marvel, on the court's behalf, at his capacity and judgment. Such a man should assist in confidential affairs and offer counsel within the inner tent. He should prosper together with the state's proper course and is no ordinary possession of an age. I ask Your Majesty to grant him a patient hearing, allowing Liu Shao the pleasure of your unhurried attention and the opportunity to express himself fully before you. Then worthy words will reach the throne and their radiance be renewed daily.”

During Jingchu, Liu Shao received an edict to devise assessments for officials. He memorialized: “Assessment of the hundred officials is a great principle of royal government, yet successive ages have neglected it. Thus gaps in the administrative canon remain unfilled, while ability and inability are confused and conceal one another. With the broad strategy of supreme sagacity, Your Majesty pities the decline of royal discipline. Divine thought examines within, and a clear edict issues without. Receiving this favor, I have gained an opening through which to dispel my ignorance. I have accordingly composed seventy-two articles of Assessments of Officials and one explanatory outline. My learning is scant and my understanding shallow, truly insufficient to give full expression to your sage intent or establish definitive institutions.” He also believed ritual should be regulated and music composed to transform customs, and wrote fourteen essays on music. They were completed but not yet submitted when Emperor Ming (Cao Rui) died, so they were not implemented. During Zhengshi he lectured with the classics in hand and received the rank of Marquis Within the Passes. His compilations and writings, including Discourses on Law and the Treatise on Human Abilities, totaled more than a hundred pieces. After his death he was posthumously appointed Minister of the Imperial Household. His son Liu Lin succeeded him.

Liu Shao's contemporary Miao Xi of Donghai also possessed talent and learning and wrote extensively. He rose to Master of Writing and Minister of the Imperial Household.

Commentary<Accounts of the Conduct of Former Worthies says: Miao Fei, courtesy name Wenya, read the classics and commentaries comprehensively and served his parents with a cheerful countenance. He was summoned as an Erudite and recruited six times by the offices of the highest ministers. When the Han emperor was at Chang'an, the senior ministers broadly recommended eminent Confucian scholars. Miao Fei was then recommended for Palace Attendant, but accepted none of these appointments. He was Miao Xi's father. The Record of Literary Writings says: Miao Xi's courtesy name was Xibo. Recruited by the office of the Censor-in-Chief, he served four reigns of Wei. He died in the sixth year of Zhengshi at sixty. His son Miao Yue, courtesy name Kongyi, was Grandee of the Imperial Household under Jin. Miao Xi's grandsons Miao Shao, Miao Bo, Miao Zheng, Miao Yin, and others all attained distinction.>

Miao Xi's friend Zhongchang Tong of Shanyang was a gentleman among the Masters of Writing late in Han and died young. He wrote the Forthright Discourses, whose fine language merits reading and reflection.

Commentary<Miao Xi wrote the prefatory memorial to Zhongchang Tong's Forthright Discourses. He states that Zhongchang Tong, courtesy name Gongli, loved learning from youth, read extensively in books and records, and possessed abundant literary powers. In his twenties he traveled to study in Qing, Xu, Bing, and Ji Provinces. Many who associated with him considered him extraordinary. Gao Gan, Inspector of Bing Province, had long enjoyed noble status and reputation. He attracted traveling scholars from all directions, and many joined him. Zhongchang Tong visited Gao Gan, who treated him well and asked about current affairs. Zhongchang Tong said: “You have a hero's ambition but lack a hero's talent. You love gentlemen but cannot choose men. This is what I most earnestly warn you about.” Gao Gan had always thought highly of himself and did not accept this. Zhongchang Tong left; before long Gao Gan was defeated. The gentlemen of Bing and Ji Provinces consequently recognized Zhongchang Tong's insight. Chang Lin, Minister of Agriculture, had stayed with him in Shangdang and told me that he was free-spirited, dared speak directly, and paid little attention to petty conventions. Whenever commanderies summoned him, he pleaded illness and declined. His silence and speech followed no fixed pattern, and some contemporaries called him mad. When the Han emperor was at Xu, Xun Yu, Director of the Masters of Writing, directed the central machinery of government. Loving gentlemen and valuing exceptional men, he heard Zhongchang Tong's name and petitioned to summon him as a gentleman among the Masters of Writing. Zhongchang Tong later participated in Taizu (Cao Cao)'s military affairs, then returned to his gentleman's post. He died in the first year of Yankang, aged over forty. Whenever he discussed ancient and modern customs and conduct, he sighed indignantly and turned his thoughts into essays. These he called the Forthright Discourses, twenty-four chapters in all.>

Regular Mounted Attendant Su Lin of Chenliu,

Grandee of the Imperial Household Wei Dan of Jingzhao,

Commentary<The Descriptive Catalogue of Literary Writings says: Wei Dan, courtesy name Zhongjiang, was the son of Wei Duan, Minister Coachman. He possessed literary talent and excelled at composition. During Jian'an he was a commandery accounts officer and received a special appointment as Gentleman of the Palace. He gradually rose to Palace Attendant and Supervisor of the Palace Secretariat, retired with the rank of Grandee of the Imperial Household, and died at home aged seventy-five. Earlier, Handan Chun, Wei Ji, and Wei Dan were all famous for calligraphy. Wei Ji's grandson Wei Heng wrote the Forms and Powers of the Four Scripts. His preface on ancient script says: “After Qin adopted seal script and burned the earlier canons, ancient script disappeared. Under Emperor Wu of Han (Liu Che), Prince Gong of Lu (Liu Yu) demolished Confucius's house and found the Documents, Spring and Autumn Annals, Analects, and Classic of Filial Piety. People then no longer knew ancient script existed and called it ‘tadpole writing.’ During Han it was secretly preserved and rarely seen. At the beginning of Wei, transmission of ancient script came from Handan Chun. Marquis Jing (Wei Ji) copied Handan Chun's Documents and later showed it to him, but Handan Chun could not distinguish it from his own. During Zhengshi, the Three-Script Stone Classics were erected, increasingly departing from Handan Chun's method. Because of the name ‘tadpole,’ their makers came to imitate that shape. In the first year of Taikang, people of Ji County robbed the tomb of King Xiang of Wei (Wei Si) and obtained more than a hundred thousand words on bamboo slips. Comparing them with Marquis Jing (Wei Ji)'s writing, one still finds a resemblance.” Marquis Jing means Wei Ji. His preface on seal script says: “Under Qin, Li Si was reputed a master of seal script. The inscriptions on the mountains and bronze figures were all his writing. During Jianchu under Han, Cao Xi of Fufeng differed slightly from Li Si but was also praised for excellence. Handan Chun studied his method and largely mastered its subtlety. Wei Dan studied Handan Chun but did not equal him. During Taihe, Wei Dan became Administrator of Wudu, but because of his calligraphy was retained as Palace Attendant. The inscriptions on Wei's treasured vessels were all written by him. Late in Han, Cai Yong also selected elements from Li Si's and Cao Xi's methods to create a mixture of ancient and modern forms, but in precision, economy, and order he did not equal Handan Chun.” His account of clerical script has already appeared in abbreviated form in the Annals of Emperor Wu (Cao Cao). It also says: “Shi Yiguan wrote large characters, Handan Chun small ones. Liang Hu said Handan Chun had obtained the method of Cizhong [personal name not specified here], though Liang Hu's own brushwork fully realized its expressive force.” His preface on cursive script says: “Cursive writing arose with Han, but the name of its creator is unknown. By Emperor Zhang (Liu Da)'s time, Du Du, Chancellor of Qi, was celebrated for writing it. Later Cui Yuan and Cui Shi were both praised as skilled. Du Du's characters were very stable, though their form was slightly thin; the Cui writers captured the force of the brush exceptionally well, though the structure of their characters was somewhat loose. Zhang Boying (Zhang Zhi) of Hongnong developed their work and refined its skill further. Every piece of silk used for clothing in his household was written on before being bleached. He practiced writing beside a pond until its water turned entirely black. Whenever he put brush to paper, the result became a model. Hence the saying, ‘In haste there is no leisure for cursive.’ Not an inch of his paper was discarded, and people still treasure it especially. Wei Zhongjiang (Wei Dan) called him the Sage of Cursive. Boying (Zhang Zhi)'s younger brother Wenshu [personal name not supplied here] ranked next to him. Jiang Mengying, Liang Kongda, Tian Yanhe, Wei Zhongjiang (Wei Dan), and others were all Boying (Zhang Zhi)'s pupils and renowned in their time, but fell far short of Wenshu.”>

Administrator of Le'an Xiahou Hui of Qiao,

Administrator of Chen Commandery Sun Gai of Rencheng,

and Director of Palace Gentlemen Du Zhi of Hedong also wrote essays and rhapsodies, quite a few of which circulated in the world.

Commentary<The Descriptive Catalogue of Literary Writings says: Du Zhi's courtesy name was Delu. He first submitted a Rhapsody on the Reed Pipe and was assigned as a military planning clerk to the Minister over the Masses. Later nominated as Filial and Incorrupt, he was appointed Gentleman of the Palace and transferred to collating books. As fellow natives, Du Zhi and Guanqiu Jian were close. Du Zhi therefore sent Guanqiu Jian a poem requesting one pill of an immortal's medicine, hoping thereby to move him deeply and seek his assistance. The poem reads: “An untried thoroughbred / Sways idly between manger and stall. / A strong man's purpose remains unfulfilled; / Frustration brings much bitterness. / Yi Zhi served as a dowry servant; / Lü Wang held a fishing rod. / Yiwu struggled as a trader; / Ning Qi sighed beside his ox. / Yiji kept a gate; / The man of Huaiyin went hungry without food. / Maichen grew old carrying firewood; / His wife deserted him and would not return when called. / Shizhi served for ten years, / His rank no higher than his former office. / My talent is not of these eight men's kind, / Yet I share their afflictions. / Wuzhi is not here, / And Yuan Ang has not spoken. / Long afflicted by this grave illness, / My nourishing and defending energies are disturbed. / I hear Han Zhong has medicine: / When a messenger comes, send me a pill.” Guanqiu Jian replied: “The phoenix soars over the capital, / Crying sadly with something on its mind. / Your talent has emerged in a sage age; / Why is your virtuous voice unhappy? / The eight men had not met their opportunity, / But you now encounter enlightened times. / Hu Kang came from the fields, / Yang Wei had no established foundation. / They rose flying into the cloudy heavens, / Striving swiftly in accord with brilliant rule. / A thoroughbred's bone structure is distinctive; / Bole recognizes it at a glance. / Simply nourish your feathers and wings: / Your great ascent will surely have its time. / Your body has not the slightest illness; / Why seek a good physician? / Fluttering lightly from perch to perch, / You will only be mocked by swallows and sparrows. / Though Han Zhong's medicine is good, / It might instead be unable to cure you. / With lingering affection across a thousand li, / I offer this reply to your fine poem. / Sincere feeling stirs within; / Its true substance lies beyond words.” Du Zhi never obtained promotion and died in the Palace Library service. The Family Biography of the He Family of Lujiang says: Under Emperor Ming (Cao Rui), Hu Kang of Qiao, aged fifteen, was sent to court for exceptional talent. He also presented proposals for reform and asked to be tested in a difficult county. An edict granted him a special audience. Public opinion unanimously acclaimed him as a prodigy. An edict assigned him to the Palace Library to read the canons extensively. The emperor asked Assistant Director of the Palace Library He Zhen: “What is Hu Kang's talent like?” He Zhen answered: “Though talented, his character is not upright. He will certainly fail his trust.” Later Hu Kang was indeed reprimanded for a fault. I, your servant Pei Songzhi, observe that among those who rose from obscurity to distinction at the Wei court, I have not heard of Hu Kang. I suspect this means Meng Kang, whose affairs appear in the Biography of Du Shu. Yang Wei appears in the Biography of Cao Shuang.>

Fu Gu, courtesy name Lanshi, was from Niyang in Beidi and descended from Fu Jiezi. His paternal uncle Fu Xun served as Palace Attendant and Master of Writing during Huangchu.

Fu Gu became renowned around the age of twenty.

Commentary<Master Fu says: At this time He Yan was prominent among the noble relatives for talent and eloquence. Deng Yang delighted in adaptability, assembled a faction, and marketed his reputation among ordinary households. Xiahou Xuan, the son of a high minister, had enjoyed a weighty reputation from youth and was their leading figure. They sought Fu Gu's friendship, but he would not accept them. Fu Gu's friend Xun Can possessed clear perception and a far-reaching mind, yet still found this strange. He told Fu Gu: “Xiahou Taichu (Xiahou Xuan) is an outstanding man of our time and humbly seeks your friendship. Agreement will produce affection; disagreement will bring resentment. Discord between two worthy men does not benefit the state. This is why Lin Xiangru yielded to Lian Po.” Fu Gu answered: “Taichu (Xiahou Xuan)'s ambition exceeds his capacity. He can gather an empty reputation but lacks substantial ability. He Pingshu (He Yan)'s words range far, but his feelings remain close to personal interests. He loves argument but lacks sincerity: precisely the kind of fluent speaker who overturns states. Deng Xuanmao (Deng Yang) begins things but does not finish them. Outwardly he seeks fame and profit; inwardly he has no lock or barrier. He values agreement and hates difference, talks much, and envies those ahead of him. Much talk brings many breaches; envy of predecessors leaves one without intimates. In my view, all three are men whose virtue will fail. Even keeping away, I fear their disaster may reach me. How much more if I became intimate with them!”>

Chen Qun, Minister of Works, recruited him as a clerk.

At the time, Regular Mounted Attendant Liu Shao devised a system of official assessment, and the matter was referred to the offices of the Three Excellencies. Fu Gu challenged Liu Shao's argument: “I have heard that imperial institutions are broad and profound, and the sage Way is deep and far-reaching. Without the right talent, the Way does not operate of itself. Making it spiritually effective and clear depends on the person. When royal principles decline and remain unrepaired for long years, subtle teachings vanish and the Six Classics are obscured and damaged. Why? The Way is vast and reaches far, but the multitude of talents cannot aspire to it. Examining Liu Shao's discussion of assessment, I see that although he seeks the earlier ages' writings on dismissal and promotion, their institutions are largely lost. Of surviving ritual, only the Zhou canon remains. Outside the capital it established regional lords to shield the Nine Zones; within it set up the offices and coordinated the six functions. Land had regular tribute, offices fixed rules, the hundred responsibilities were properly distributed, and the four classes of people had distinct occupations. Thus performance assessment could be ordered and dismissal and promotion readily understood. Great Wei succeeds the last of the hundred kings and inherits the achievements of Qin and Han, yet in the transmitted institutions there is no complete system to restore and adopt. From Jian'an to Qinglong, divine martial power has put disorder right and founded imperial rule, swept away violent rebels, and cut down remaining enemies. As banners rolled and unfurled, each day left too little time. In governing the state and managing war, expediency and law have both been employed. The hundred officials and offices share military and civil duties, adapting to circumstances and responding to the needs of government. Applying antiquity to today involves mixed affairs and different principles, difficult to reconcile. The reason is that institutions intended to endure may not fit immediate needs, while laws answering current business may not suffice for posterity. Establishing offices, distributing duties, and bringing clear order to people and things establishes the root. Comparing actual performance with official names and correcting and encouraging people within established rules manages the branches. Before a system joining root and branches has been presented, before the state's governing principles have been elevated, assessment is being given priority. I fear this will not suffice to distinguish the worthy from the foolish or clarify hidden and visible conduct. When the former kings selected talent, they necessarily grounded conduct in local communities and taught the Way in schools. Complete conduct made a man worthy; cultivation of the Way made him able. Village elders presented worthy and able men to the king, who bowed to receive them. The worthy were selected and sent out to lead; the able were classified and brought in to administer. Such was the former kings' principle for gathering talent. Today, among the people of the Nine Provinces and even the capital, there is no nomination system of the Six Districts. Selection is entrusted exclusively to the Ministry of Personnel. If one relies on grades and character reports, actual talent may not correspond; if one relies on ‘modest achievements’ [薄伐, an uncertain expression here], virtue and conduct may not have been properly ranked. Under such conditions, assessments of best and worst cannot fully account for human talent. Expounding and coordinating royal standards and promoting the state's institutions is profound in substance and broad in meaning, difficult to set out completely.”

Early in Zhengshi, Fu Gu was appointed a gentleman among the Masters of Writing and promoted to Gentleman of the Yellow Gate. Cao Shuang then controlled government, and He Yan was Master of Writing for Personnel. Fu Gu told Cao Shuang's younger brother Cao Xi: “He Pingshu (He Yan) is outwardly calm but inwardly sharp and crafty. He loves profit and neglects the fundamentals. I fear he will first bewilder you brothers, whereupon humane men will withdraw and court government fall into ruin.” He Yan and the others consequently became hostile to Fu Gu and used a minor matter to remove him from office. Reappointed from private life as Administrator of Xingyang [熒陽 in the source], he did not take up the post. Grand Tutor Sima Xuanwang (Sima Yi) <King Xuan; a posthumous royal title> invited him to become a consultant gentleman in his office. After Cao Shuang was executed, Fu Gu became Intendant of Henan,

Commentary<Master Fu says: The Intendant of Henan governed the imperial capital within and the metropolitan region without, combining the populations of the ancient Six Districts and Six Outlying Districts. People from different places lived together there. Powerful families, great clans, merchants, and non-Chinese traders made it a gathering place for profit-seekers from all directions and a breeding ground for wrongdoing. The former intendant Sima Zhi had grasped the main framework but been too sparing of detail. His successor Liu Jing had coordinated the details but been too exacting. The later intendant Li Sheng had undermined standing laws to gain a momentary reputation. Fu Gu established Sima Zhi's general framework, trimmed Liu Jing's detailed provisions to weave it together, and gradually repaired what Li Sheng had damaged. The commandery had seven hundred officials, half of whom were not long-serving incumbents. Henan custom reserved the Five Offices clerkship and the merit officer's personnel-selection duties for natives of Henan, never appointing people from other regions. Fu Gu chose good men from each group and employed them together, divided duties among the bureaus, and then assessed them in order. His government rested on virtue and instruction, yet he consistently upheld the law. Simple as it was, it could not be violated. Understanding principles and discerning circumstances, he obtained the truth in lawsuits without resorting to beatings. He did not dispense petty favors. Whenever he recommended someone or greatly benefited the people's affairs, he concealed the origins and traces, as though the initiative had not come from him. Thus he had no dazzling reputation at the time; only after a long while did officials and people come to feel secure under him.>

and was promoted to Master of Writing. Fu Gu often considered that “Qin first abolished the regional lords and established administrators, creating offices and dividing responsibilities differently from antiquity. Han and Wei followed this practice down to the present. Yet Confucian scholars all wish to combine it with the ritual of the Three Dynasties. That ritual is broad and far-reaching but does not answer present business. Affairs conflict with institutions, and names do not match realities. This is probably why successive ages have failed to achieve good government. I wish to revise the official system extensively and rectify its foundations by reference to antiquity, but the imperial house now faces many troubles and change has not been possible.”

At the time, discussants proposed undertaking an attack on Wu, and the three campaigning commands offered differing plans. An edict sought Fu Gu's opinion. He replied: “Fuchai once overawed Qi and defeated Jin, making his might felt throughout the central states, yet ended in disaster at Gusu. King Min of Qi (Tian Di) annexed territory and expanded his borders a thousand li, yet himself met overthrow. These are clear ancient proofs that a good beginning does not guarantee a good end. Since Sun Quan defeated Guan Yu and annexed Jing Province, his ambition and desires have been satisfied, and his wickedness has reached its limit. Therefore Marquis Xuanwen (Sima Yi) <a posthumous marquisate title> devised far-reaching plans for a great undertaking. Now Sun Quan has died and entrusted his orphaned heir to Zhuge Ke. If Zhuge Ke corrects Sun Quan's harshness, abolishes his oppressive policies, and frees the people from cruelty, they may find temporary comfort in the new favors. United in concern within and without, fearful as people in one boat, they may not preserve themselves forever, but can still prolong their survival beyond the deep river. Some proposals call for boats to cross directly and range freely south of the Yangzi; others for four routes to advance together and attack their fortifications; others for large-scale farming on the frontier while watching for an opening. These are indeed ordinary plans for taking the enemy. Yet our preparations have lasted about three years; this is no surprise army. The enemy has opposed us for nearly sixty years. Its falsely established rulers and ministers have shared good and bad fortune, and now, having lost their supreme commander, all ranks fear danger. If they deploy ships at key crossings and hold fortified cities in difficult positions, a plan of free-ranging advance will hardly succeed. Advancing to establish large agricultural colonies is comparatively the soundest course. With troops beyond our people, enemy raids cannot reach them; troops can consume stored grain in place without burdening soldiers with transport; opportunities for attack can be seized without the labor and expense of distant expeditions. These are urgent military needs. Fan Kuai once wished to range freely among the Xiongnu with a hundred thousand men, and Ji Bu rebuked his shortcoming to his face. A proposal to cross the Yangzi and enter the enemy's court is comparable. Better to clarify laws, train soldiers, and base our plans on complete victory, extending a long-term strategy against the enemy's dying embers. This is the course whose result is certain.”

Commentary<Sima Biao's Strategies of War records this reply more fully than the main biography. I include it all to convey the whole argument. Sima Biao says: In the fourth month of the fourth year of Jiaping, Sun Quan died. Senior General Who Campaigns against the South Wang Chang, General Who Campaigns against the East Hu Zun, General Who Guards the South Guanqiu Jian, and others petitioned to attack Wu. Since their plans differed, the court sought the opinion of Master of Writing Fu Gu by edict. Fu Gu replied: “Fuchai once defeated Qi and overawed Jin, making his might felt throughout the central states, yet could not escape disaster at Gusu. King Min of Qi (Tian Di) expanded his territory and annexed states, opening a thousand li of land, yet could not save himself from overthrow. These are clear proofs from antiquity that a good beginning does not guarantee a good end. Since Sun Quan defeated Shu and fully acquired Jing Province, his ambitions and desires have been satisfied. He has punished and killed loyal and good men, extending this even to his descendants, and his great wickedness has reached its limit. Chancellor of State Marquis Xuanwen (Sima Yi), recognizing in advance the principle of taking a state in disorder and striking one near destruction, devised far-reaching plans for a great undertaking. Now Sun Quan is dead and has entrusted his orphaned heir to Zhuge Ke. If Zhuge Ke corrects Sun Quan's harshness, abolishes his oppressive policies, and frees the people from cruelty, they may find temporary comfort in new favors. United in concern within and without, fearful as people in one boat, they may not preserve themselves forever, but can still prolong their survival beyond the deep river. Wang Chang and the others variously propose crossing directly by boat, ranging freely south of the Yangzi, gathering people and seizing territory, and obtaining provisions from the enemy; advancing on four routes, confronting them with force, inducing divisions and defections, and waiting for collapse; or advancing to establish large agricultural colonies, pressing their neck and throat, storing grain, and watching for openings to act at the right time. All three are ordinary plans for taking the enemy. Applied at the right opportunity, they establish achievement and fame; applied out of season, they necessarily leave trouble behind. Our preparations have lasted about three years, so this is no surprise army. Having lost its supreme commander, the enemy's interest lies in withdrawal and defense. If it outfits vessels, arrays ships at key crossings, strengthens cities, clears the countryside, and guards against sudden attack, a plan of free-ranging advance can hardly be assured. The enemy has opposed us for nearly sixty years. Its falsely established rulers and ministers have shared good and bad fortune. If Zhuge Ke removes its abuses and Heaven takes away its affliction, imminent collapse cannot be expected. Our frontier defenses now stand far from the enemy. The enemy has erected barriers and acts cautiously and secretly; spies cannot move, and our eyes and ears hear nothing. To lead great numbers against immense natural obstacles when the army lacks eyes and ears and reconnaissance is incomplete is to hope for lucky success, fighting first and seeking victory afterward. It is no lasting strategy for preserving an army. Only advancing to establish large agricultural colonies is comparatively sound and secure. Wang Chang, Hu Zun, and the others should be ordered to choose defensible ground, examine their deployments carefully, and have all three fronts advance their defensive positions simultaneously. First, we seize fertile land and force the enemy back to cultivate poor soil. Second, our troops stand beyond our people, preventing raids from reaching them. Third, nearby routes allow us to attract and embrace people, with submissions arriving daily. Fourth, barriers set farther out prevent hostile infiltration. Fifth, if the enemy withdraws its defenses, its barriers become shallow and its cultivated land easy to take. Sixth, troops consume accumulated grain in place without transporting it. Seventh, openings are heard of promptly, permitting swift attacks. These seven are urgent military needs. If we do not occupy these positions, the enemy monopolizes their convenient resources; if we do, the benefit returns to the state. This must be examined. Once fortified camps press upon each other and their positions interact, intelligence and courage can be displayed, skill and clumsiness put to use. Probe them to learn the balance of gain and loss; test them to learn their surplus and deficiency. Where can the enemy hide its true condition and deception? A small force facing a large one suffers burdensome service and exhausted strength; a poor state facing a rich one imposes heavy levies and exhausts its wealth. Thus: ‘When the enemy rests, one can tire it; when well fed, one can starve it.’ This is the meaning. Then assemble large forces and sharpen weapons to overawe it, multiply favors and rewards to attract it, and use many approaches and broad displays [the precise sense of 廣似 is uncertain] to confuse it. Take unexpected roads to strike where it is unguarded. Within three years, pulling and supporting from left and right, the enemy will surely melt like ice and crumble like tiles. We can calmly receive the benefit of its exhaustion, calculating the outcome while seated. Through successive generations, Han was constantly troubled by the Xiongnu. Court ministers and advisers began early and ended late; armored generals proposed campaigns, robed gentlemen all urged marriage alliances, and brave men longed to display their fighting strength. Thus Fan Kuai wished to range freely among the Xiongnu with a hundred thousand men, and Ji Bu rebuked him to his face. Li Xin asked to conquer Chu alone with two hundred thousand, and indeed brought humiliation upon Qin's army. Generals now proposing to cross the river, surmount its defenses, and march alone into the enemy's court belong to that same class. With Your Majesty's sage virtue, loyal and worthy assisting ministers, clear laws, and trained soldiers, let plans rest on complete victory and a long-term strategy be extended against the enemy. Its collapse will then be certain. Therefore the Art of War says: ‘Subdue the enemy's army without battle; take its cities without assault.’ To abandon the assured principle of victory determined in the ancestral temple and take a risky path that may fail to preserve the whole force is truly my concern. Thus I consider large-scale agricultural settlement pressing upon the enemy the best plan.” Fu Gu's words were not followed. In the eleventh month of that year, Wang Chang and the others were ordered to campaign against Wu. In the first month of the fifth year, Zhuge Ke met them and heavily defeated the armies at Dongguan.>

Later, after Wu's senior general Zhuge Ke had newly won at Dongguan, he exploited his victory and announced that he intended to advance toward Qing and Xu Provinces. The court prepared defenses. Fu Gu argued: “The Huai and the sea are no route for an enemy force to travel lightly. Moreover, when Sun Quan formerly sent troops out to sea, they drifted and drowned, scarcely a survivor remaining. How could Zhuge Ke dare exhaust his foundations and stake his life on the great waters in a reckless gamble?

Commentary<The Biography of Zhang Tang in the Book of Han says: When Zhang Tang began as a minor official, he engaged in ‘ganmo’ and privately associated with wealthy Chang'an merchants such as Tian Jia and Yu Wengshu. Fu Qian explains: “‘Ganmo’ means gambling on success or failure.” Ru Chun says: “Obtaining profit is ‘gan’; losing profit is ‘mo.’” I, your servant Pei Songzhi, consider that Fu Qian merely glosses the phrase as gambling on success or failure without explaining the meanings of its parts, leaving the reasoning incomplete. Ru Chun's identification of obtaining profit with ‘gan’ is likewise unclear. In my humble view, ‘gan’ should be read as the character for dryness. The expression means taking a speculative chance without considering whether one will remain dry or sink.>

“Zhuge Ke will merely send subordinate commanders experienced in naval warfare to sail by sea and ascend the Huai, feigning movement against Qing and Xu, while he himself concentrates his troops against Huainan.” Later Zhuge Ke did indeed attack Xincheng, but failed to take it and returned.

Fu Gu often discussed whether talent and nature were identical or different. Zhong Hui collected these discussions and wrote about them.

Commentary<Master Fu says: Fu Gu understood government and loved correctness. Possessing clear principles and a grasp of essentials, he enjoyed discussing talent and nature, tracing their foundations with subtle precision that few could match. Zhong Hui, Colonel Director of Retainers, was very young, and Fu Gu associated with him for his intelligence and wisdom. I, your servant Pei Songzhi, observe: Master Fu earlier says that Fu Gu understood Xiahou Xuan's inevitable downfall and would not associate with him, yet here says that he was friendly with Zhong Hui. In my humble view, Xiahou Xuan incurred disaster through his weighty reputation, with the cause coming from outside; Zhong Hui brought defeat upon himself by acting for profit, with disaster arising from within. The signs of Xiahou Xuan's danger were therefore difficult to see, while the shape of Zhong Hui's defeat was easy to perceive. If Fu Gu understood that Xiahou Xuan must fall but failed to see that Zhong Hui would be defeated, his judgment was obstructed and can hardly be called comprehensive. If he knew that neither would end well, but treated them differently according to his feelings, then the difference in warmth arose from love and dislike. What had it to do with their success or failure? Moreover, making affection and dislike the basis for unequal treatment falls short of an elevated disposition. This argument in Master Fu does not enhance Fu Gu's standing.>

Late in Jiaping, Fu Gu received the rank of Marquis Within the Passes. When the Duke of Gaogui District (Cao Mao) ascended the throne, Fu Gu was advanced to Marquis of Wuxiang Village. In the spring of the second year of Zhengyuan, Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin rebelled. Some considered that Sima Jingwang (Sima Shi) <King Jing; a posthumous royal title> should not go in person and that Grand Commandant Sima Fu could be sent instead. Only Fu Gu and Wang Su urged him to go. Sima Jingwang (Sima Shi) consequently set out.

Fu Gu was made acting Deputy Director of the Masters of Writing and went east with him. His planning contributed to the defeat of Guanqiu Jian and Wen Qin. After Sima Jingwang (Sima Shi) died, Fu Gu returned directly to Luoyang with Sima Wenwang (Sima Zhao), who consequently took charge of assisting the government. The account appears in the Biography of Zhong Hui.

Zhong Hui consequently showed a self-satisfied expression. Fu Gu warned him: “Your ambition exceeds your capacity, and great achievements are difficult to accomplish. Can you fail to be cautious?” For his service, Fu Gu was advanced to Marquis of Yang District, with six hundred additional households, making twelve hundred in all. He died that year at forty-seven, was posthumously appointed Minister of Ceremonies, and received the posthumous title Marquis Yuan.

Commentary<Master Fu says: Li Feng was from the same province as Fu Gu. Famous from youth, he entered high office early and won praise within and outside the court, yet Fu Gu was not friendly with him either. He told like-minded companions: “Li Feng cultivates pretenses and is full of suspicion. He prides himself on avoiding small faults but is blind to power and advantage. He might be adequate among ordinary men. If he takes responsibility for confidential affairs and encounters someone discerning, he will certainly die.” Later Li Feng became Director of the Palace Secretariat and met disaster together with Xiahou Xuan, just as Fu Gu had said. From youth Fu Gu was friendly with Pei Hui, Inspector of Ji Province, and Xun Han, Regular Mounted Attendant; both died early. He was also close friends with General Who Guards the North He Zeng, Minister of Works Chen Tai, Deputy Director of the Masters of Writing Xun Yi, and General of the Rear Zhong Yu. Together they coordinated court affairs and were all renowned ministers.>

His son Fu Zhi succeeded him. During Xianxi the five ranks of nobility were established. Because Fu Gu had rendered distinguished service under the previous reign, Fu Zhi's enfeoffment was changed to Viscount of Jingyuan.

Appraisal: In former times, Emperor Wen (Cao Pi) and the Prince of Chen (Cao Zhi), enjoying the dignity of noble sons, widely delighted in literary brilliance. Like voices answered one another, and talented men emerged together. Of these, Wang Can and the other five were the most renowned. Wang Can alone held the office of senior attendant and helped establish the institutions of a new dynasty. Yet in unassuming openness and purity of character he did not equal Xu Gan. Wei Ji likewise used his extensive knowledge of precedents to assist the reigning king's institutions. Liu Shao read the learned canons comprehensively and combined literary cultivation with substantial understanding. Liu Yi was distinguished by clear discernment; Fu Gu attained prominence through talent.