VOLUME 42 · ENGLISH TRANSLATION
Book of Shu · Biographies of Du Wei, Zhou Qun, Du Qiong, Xu Ci, Meng Guang, Lai Min, Yin Mo, Li Zhuan, Qiao Zhou, and Xi Zheng
By Chen Shou · With source commentary
查看中文原文Du Wei, courtesy name Guofu, was from Fu in Zitong. When young he studied under Ren An of Guanghan. Liu Zhang recruited him as an administrative officer, but he left office because of illness. After the Former Lord (Liu Bei) <the retrospective designation for Shu's founding ruler> secured Shu, Du Wei constantly claimed deafness and remained behind closed doors. <Liu Zhang is written 劉障 here, differing from the usual 劉璋; the identification follows the context.>
In Jianxing 2, Chancellor Zhuge Liang concurrently became Governor of Yi Province. His selections carefully sought men of established virtue. He made Qin Mi Attendant Officer, Wu Liang Merit Officer, and Du Wei Registrar. Du Wei firmly declined, so he was physically brought to office. Once he arrived, Zhuge Liang received him, and Du Wei explained and apologized. Because he could not hear speech, Zhuge Liang wrote to him at the meeting:
'I have long heard of your virtuous conduct and thirsted for it. Our differing streams, clear and muddy, left no opportunity to consult or meet. Wang Yuantai, Li Boren, Wang Wenyi (Wang Lian), Yang Jixiu (Yang Hong), Ding Junqian, Li Yongnan (Li Shao) and his brother, Wen Zhongbao, and others continually praised your lofty aspirations, so that though we had not met, you seemed an old friend. Empty of merit, I have been entrusted with governing your province. My virtue is thin and responsibility heavy, and I am deeply anxious. Our ruler (Liu Shan) is only eighteen this year, naturally humane and discerning, loving virtue and respecting scholars. People throughout the realm long for the Han house. I wish with you to follow Heaven and the people, assist this enlightened ruler (Liu Shan), bring greatness to the achievement of a latter restoration, and record merits on bamboo and silk. Thinking that worthy and unworthy could not plan together, you cut yourself off and kept to hardship. I did not expect you to humble yourself.' <Some names here are courtesy-name designations. Wang Yuantai, Li Boren, Ding Junqian, and Wen Zhongbao are retained without inventing complete personal names; the wording of the brothers' designation is compressed.>
Du Wei pleaded old age and illness and requested permission to return. Zhuge Liang again wrote:
'Cao Pi usurped and committed regicide, establishing himself as emperor: his title is like that of a clay dragon or straw dog. I wish to join the worthies, taking advantage of his wicked falsity to destroy him through the right Way. I am surprised that before offering instruction you already wish to return to mountains and fields. Cao Pi is again undertaking great labor levies to move against Wu and Chu. While he is occupied, we should close our borders, work diligently at farming, nurture people and resources, and prepare armor and weapons. We can then attack when he suffers a setback, settling the realm without battle or exhausting the people. You need only assist the age through virtue. I do not require military service of you. Why be so eager to leave?' <The charges against Cao Pi are Zhuge Liang's words in this letter.>
Such was his respect for Du Wei. He appointed him Grandee Who Remonstrates, accommodating his wishes. Wu Liang, courtesy name Deshan, was from Nan'an in Qianwei and renowned for Confucian learning and integrity. From Consultant he advanced to Grandee Who Remonstrates and General of the Household of the Five Offices. <The surname 五 is transcribed Wu; it is not the numeral 'five' describing Liang. The offices are printed 諫義大夫 and 五官中朗將 here, differing from their usual forms 諫議大夫 and 五官中郎將.>
Zhou Qun, courtesy name Zhongzhi, was from Langzhong in Baxi. His father Zhou Shu, courtesy name Shubu, studied the arts under Yang Hou of Guanghan when young. His reputation ranked just below Dong Fu's and Ren An's. Repeatedly summoned, he never went. Someone asked: 'The prophetic texts of the Spring and Autumn Annals say, "The one who replaces Han will be high above the road." What does this mean?' Zhou Shu said: 'High above the road means Wei.' Scholars in his home district privately transmitted this. Zhou Qun studied under his father when young and devoted himself to observing signs. He built a small tower in his courtyard. Wealthy and possessing many servants, he had them take turns watching from the tower for celestial portents. Whenever they saw even one vapor, they reported it, and Zhou Qun climbed up to observe, morning or night. Thus no atmospheric sign escaped him, and many predictions proved accurate. Governor Liu Zhang recruited him as Administrative Officer Serving as Teacher and Friend.
After the Former Lord (Liu Bei) secured Shu, he appointed Zhou Qun Colonel of the Forest of Scholars.
When the Former Lord (Liu Bei) intended to contest Hanzhong with Lord Cao (Cao Cao), he consulted Zhou Qun, who answered: 'You will obtain the land but not its people. If you send a detached force, it will certainly fare badly. Be cautious!' Zhang Yu of Shu Commandery, Major of the Province's Rear Division, also understood divination and celestial observation, with natural talent surpassing Zhou Qun's.
He remonstrated with the Former Lord (Liu Bei): 'You must not contest Hanzhong. The army will certainly fare badly.' The Former Lord (Liu Bei) rejected his advice and indeed obtained the land but not the people. Generals Wu Lan, Lei Tong, and others were sent into Wudu, where all perished without returning, exactly as Zhou Qun had predicted. Zhou Qun was therefore recommended as Flourishing Talent.
Zhang Yu also privately told someone: 'In the gengzi year the realm will change dynasties, and the Liu house's fortune will end. Nine years after our lord (Liu Bei) obtains Yi Province, between the yin and mao years, he will lose it.' Someone secretly reported this. Earlier, when the Former Lord (Liu Bei) met Liu Zhang at Fu, Zhang Yu, then Liu Zhang's administrative officer, attended. Zhang Yu had a thick beard. The Former Lord (Liu Bei) mocked him: 'When I lived in Zhuo County, there were unusually many people surnamed Mao. East, west, south, and north were all Maos. The magistrate said, "Do all these hairs live around the privy?"' Zhang Yu immediately replied: 'There was once a Chief of Lu in Shangdang who became Magistrate of Zhuo. After leaving office and returning home, people writing to him found that addressing him as Lu omitted Zhuo and addressing him as Zhuo omitted Lu. They therefore addressed him as "Master Lu-Zhuo."' The Former Lord (Liu Bei) had no beard, so Zhang Yu used this to strike back at him. <The jokes rely on Mao, "hair," Zhuo and its resemblance to a word for a privy, and Lu-Zhuo suggesting a bare or beardless face. Their precise historical sounds and force remain open to review.> The Former Lord (Liu Bei) retained resentment at his disrespect and was further angered by the leaked words. He publicly cited the failure of Zhang Yu's warning against contesting Hanzhong, imprisoned him, and intended execution. Zhuge Liang memorialized to request pardon. The Former Lord (Liu Bei) answered: 'When laolan grows at the gate, it must be hoed away.' <The source prints 勞蘭, laolan; its identification or textual reading is uncertain. The preceding resentment clause also contains the difficult wording 銜莫不遜.> Zhang Yu was executed in the marketplace. Later Wei's establishment and the Former Lord (Liu Bei)'s death both matched his specified times. He also understood physiognomy. Whenever he looked at his face in a mirror, he knew he would die by punishment and never failed to dash it to the ground.
Zhou Qun died, and his son Zhou Chen inherited some of his arts.
Du Qiong, courtesy name Boyu, was from Chengdu in Shu Commandery. He studied under Ren An when young and thoroughly investigated his arts. Under Liu Zhang he was recruited as an administrative officer. After the Former Lord (Liu Bei) secured Yi Province and governed it, he made Du Qiong Administrative Officer for Deliberation. After the Later Lord (Liu Shan) <the retrospective designation for Shu's second ruler> succeeded, he became Grandee Who Remonstrates, then General of the Household of the Left, Grand Herald, and Minister of Ceremonies. Quiet and sparing of speech, he kept his doors closed and avoided worldly affairs. Jiang Wan, Fei Yi, and the others all esteemed him. Though deeply learned, he initially made no observations or pronouncements about celestial phenomena. Later the broadly learned Confucian Qiao Zhou often asked his views. Du Qiong said: 'Understanding this art is very difficult. One must observe personally and recognize forms and colors, rather than trust others. Only after hardship morning and night can one understand; then one must worry about disclosure. Better not to know. Thus I no longer observe.' Qiao Zhou asked: 'Formerly Master Zhou (Zhou Shu), summoned by the court, said that "high above the road" meant Wei. What was the meaning?' Du Qiong answered: 'Wei is a name for a gate tower. It stands high above the road: the sage merely used a resemblance.' He asked Qiao Zhou: 'Have you noticed anything else strange?' Qiao Zhou said: 'I have not grasped it.' Du Qiong said: 'Ancient official titles did not use cao, "section." Since Han, offices are all called cao. Clerks say "belonging to the section" and soldiers "serving the section." This is perhaps Heaven's intention.' <The interpretation plays on 曹, cao, also the surname of Wei's ruling family.>
Du Qiong died past eighty in Yanxi 13. He wrote more than a hundred thousand words of the Chapters and Sentences on the Han Tradition of the Odes, but did not teach his sons, and no one inherited his esoteric learning. Developing Du Qiong's words by analogy, Qiao Zhou said:
'The commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals records that Marquis Mu of Qin <a posthumous title as printed here; the personal name is not established here> named his crown prince Qiu, "enemy," and the younger brother Chengshi, "forming an army." Shi Fu said: "Strange are our ruler's names for his sons! A good match is called pei; a resentful match chou. Now he names the crown prince Chou and the brother Chengshi. This begins to portend disorder. Will the elder be displaced?" Later events indeed matched Shi Fu's words. Emperor Ling of Han (Liu Hong) <the emperor's posthumous title> named his two sons Marquis Shi and Marquis Dong. After being established as emperors, both were later removed and made feudal lords, resembling Shi Fu's words. The Former Lord (Liu Bei)'s personal name Bei means "complete," and the Later Lord (Liu Shan)'s Shan means "transfer." It is as though saying the Liu house is complete and must transfer to another. Perhaps this is more significant than Marquis Mu and Emperor Ling (Liu Hong)'s naming of sons.' <The source prints 秦穆候, 'Marquis Mu of Qin,' although the cited story is conventionally associated with Jin. It also varies Qiu/chou by the readings of 仇. The discrepancy is retained rather than silently corrected.>
Later the eunuch Huang Hao manipulated power within the palace. In Jingyao 5, a great palace tree broke without cause. Qiao Zhou was deeply worried but had no one to tell, so he wrote on a pillar: 'Numerous and great, the time of gathering; complete and transferred, how can it return?' He explained: Cao means numerous, and Wei means great. Numerous and great: the realm should gather to them. Complete and transferred: how could another establishment remain? After Shu fell, all regarded his words as fulfilled. Qiao Zhou said: 'Though I worked this out myself, it had a basis. I merely expanded Master Du (Du Qiong)'s words. There was no extraordinary independent divine insight.'
Xu Ci, courtesy name Rendu, was from Nanyang. He studied under Liu Xi, excelled in Zheng Xuan's learning, and mastered the Changes, Documents, Three Ritual Classics, Mao Odes, and Analects. During Jian'an he entered Shu from Jiao Province with Xu Jing and others. There was also Hu Qian of Wei Commandery, courtesy name Gongxing; how he came to Yi Province is unknown. Though not comprehensively learned, he was exceptional in powerful memory. The ceremonial institutions of ancestral rites and the rules of the five mourning grades were as clear to him as the palm of his hand or a diagram on the ground, ready for use at once. After the Former Lord (Liu Bei) secured Shu, generations of warfare had left learning in decline, so he collected texts and sifted the various schools. Xu Ci and Hu Qian became scholars charged, with Meng Guang, Lai Min, and others, with preserving old writings. As institutions were being founded, many matters prompted doubt and debate. Xu Ci and Hu Qian competed, attacked one another, and slandered angrily, showing it in voice and expression. They would not lend each other books they lacked and sometimes resorted to whipping and beating to intimidate one another.
Their self-conceit and jealousy reached such a point. Distressed, the Former Lord (Liu Bei) assembled the officials and had performers impersonate the two scholars and imitate their disputes. When wine flowed and music played, it became entertainment. At first they challenged one another through words and principles, finally overpowering each other with knives and sticks, intending thereby to move and admonish them. Hu Qian died first. Under the Later Lord (Liu Shan), Xu Ci gradually advanced to Chamberlain for the Empress and died.
Xu Ci's son Xu Xun inherited his learning and again served as Erudite.
Meng Guang, courtesy name Xiaoyu, was from Luoyang in Henan and belonged to the clan of Meng Yu, Grand Commandant of Han.
Late under Emperor Ling (Liu Hong), Meng Guang served as an official in a lecturing division. When Emperor Xian (Liu Xie) moved the capital to Chang'an, he fled into Shu, where Liu Yan and his son treated him as a guest. Widely informed and knowledgeable about antiquity, he read every kind of book, concentrating especially on the Three Histories and excelling in Han's old institutions. He favored the Gongyang Spring and Autumn Annals and criticized the Zuo tradition. Whenever he debated the two traditions with Lai Min, he was continually loud and clamorous.
After the Former Lord (Liu Bei) secured Yi Province, he appointed Meng Guang Consultant, sharing responsibility for institutions with Xu Ci and others. After the Later Lord (Liu Shan) succeeded, he became Prefect of Tallies and Credentials, Colonel of Garrison Cavalry, and Lesser Treasurer of Changle, then advanced to Minister of Agriculture. <Consultant is printed 儀郎 here, differing from the usual 議郎.>
In autumn of Yanxi 9 a general amnesty was proclaimed. Before the assembly, Meng Guang reproached General-in-Chief Fei Yi: 'Amnesty is a remedy for partial paralysis, not something appropriate to an enlightened age. Only when decline and exhaustion reach an unavoidable extreme may it be used as an expedient. Now our sovereign (Liu Shan) is humane and worthy, and the officials fulfill their duties. What imminent danger or urgent distress like hanging upside down requires repeated extraordinary favor to benefit evil criminals? Moreover, just when hawks and falcons begin striking, you pardon the guilty, offending Heaven's season above and human principle below. Old and decayed, I do not understand government, but in my limited view such a rule cannot endure. Is this the lofty excellence to which all look, the enlightened virtue we expect?' Fei Yi merely turned, apologized, and stood uneasily. Meng Guang's pointed criticisms were often like this. Great ministers in power consequently disliked him, and he did not rise in rank. His frank words avoided nothing and made him unwelcome to the age. Tan Cheng of Guanghan, Minister of Ceremonies,
and Pei Jun of Hedong, Minister of the Household, and others were all junior in age and service to Meng Guang, yet occupied higher ranks. This was presumably the reason.
The younger literary scholar Xi Zheng, a Secretariat Gentleman, often consulted Meng Guang. Meng Guang asked what the crown prince (Liu Xuan) studied and read and about his nature, temperament, and preferences. Xi Zheng answered: 'He serves his parents reverently, remains diligent day and night, and has the bearing of an ancient heir apparent. He receives officials and acts with humanity and forbearance.' Meng Guang said: 'What you describe is found in every household. I ask what his judgment and strategic intelligence are like.' Xi Zheng replied: 'An heir apparent's duty is to carry out his parents' wishes and exhaust their joy. He cannot act recklessly. Judgment lies hidden in the heart, while strategy emerges in response to occasions. How can its presence or absence be stipulated beforehand?' Understanding that Xi Zheng was cautious and proper and would not speak freely, Meng Guang said: 'I like direct speech and avoid nothing, criticizing benefits and harms and earning others' dislike. I suspect, considering your intention, that you too do not much like my words. Yet discussion has its order. The realm is unsettled, and intelligence comes first. Though there is natural intelligence, it cannot simply be forced into existence through effort. Should this heir's reading imitate us, laboring to know everything in preparation for questions, like Erudites drawing examination slips and lecturing to seek office? He should attend to what is urgent.' Xi Zheng deeply agreed. Later Meng Guang was dismissed for an offense. He died past ninety.
Lai Min, courtesy name Jingda, was from Xinye in Yiyang, a descendant of Lai Xi. His father Lai Yan became Minister of Works under Han.
Amid the great disorder at Han's end, Lai Min fled to Jing Province with his elder sister's husband. This brother-in-law, Huang Wan, was a nephew of Liu Zhang's paternal grandmother. Liu Zhang therefore sent for Huang Wan's wife, and Lai Min entered Shu with his sister, remaining a guest of Liu Zhang. He read widely, excelled in the Zuo Spring and Autumn Annals, and was especially skilled in the explanations of words in the Cang and Ya texts, enjoying the correction of characters. After the Former Lord (Liu Bei) secured Yi Province, he appointed Lai Min Colonel Supervising Learning. When the crown prince (Liu Shan) was established, Lai Min became Prefect of his Household. After the Later Lord (Liu Shan) succeeded, he became General of the Household of the Tiger Guards. Chancellor Zhuge Liang, stationed at Hanzhong, requested him as Army Libationer and General Assisting the Army, but he was dismissed for an offense.
After Zhuge Liang died, Lai Min returned to Chengdu as Chamberlain for the Empress and was again dismissed. Later he rose through appointments to Grandee of the Household but was again removed for misconduct. His repeated demotions all arose from unrestrained speech and abnormal conduct. Meng Guang too was then careless in pivotal words and offended the times through his arguments, yet was better than Lai Min. Both were respected as elderly scholars. Lai Min also belonged to a renowned Jing-Chu clan and was an old servant of the Eastern Palace, receiving special favor; hence repeated restoration after dismissal. Later he became General Who Holds to Caution, intended to make the weight of office warn him. He died at ninety-seven during Jingyao. His son Lai Zhong was also widely learned in the classics and resembled him. Together with Master of Writing Xiang Chong and others, he effectively assisted General-in-Chief Jiang Wei, who valued him and made him Army Adviser.
Yin Mo, courtesy name Siqian, was from Fu in Zitong. Yi Province largely prized the New Text traditions without honoring detailed chapter-and-sentence interpretation. Knowing this was insufficiently broad, Yin Mo traveled far to Jing Province and studied ancient learning under Sima Decao (Sima Hui), Song Zhongzi (Song Zhong), and others. He mastered the classics and histories and specialized in the Zuo Spring and Autumn Annals. From Liu Xin's ordering principles to the commentaries of Zheng Zhong, Jia Kui and his father, Chen Yuan, and Fu Qian, he could recite nearly everything without consulting the texts. <The source prints 方 before 服虔 in this list; its connection or intended reading is uncertain.> After the Former Lord (Liu Bei) secured Yi Province and governed it, he made Yin Mo Administrative Officer Encouraging Learning. When the crown prince (Liu Shan) was established, Yin Mo became his Attendant and taught the Later Lord (Liu Shan) the Zuo Commentary. <The source divides 僕,射以 in the sentence, leaving uncertain whether 僕射 is an office title or how 射 should connect.> After the Later Lord (Liu Shan) succeeded, he became Grandee Who Remonstrates. Chancellor Zhuge Liang requested him as Army Libationer at Hanzhong. After Zhuge Liang died, he returned to Chengdu, became Senior Palace Grandee, and died. His son Yin Zong inherited his learning and became Erudite.
Li Zhuan, courtesy name Qinzhong, was from Fu in Zitong. His father Li Ren, courtesy name Dexian, traveled with Yin Mo of the same county to Jing Province and studied under Sima Hui, Song Zhong, and others. Li Zhuan inherited all his father's learning and also discussed principles and meanings with Yin Mo. He read comprehensively in the Five Classics and the philosophers and loved many technical arts, applying his thoughts to calculation, divination, medicine, bows and crossbows, and ingenious machinery. He began as a provincial clerk and a clerk in the Masters of Writing. In Yanxi 1, when the Later Lord (Liu Shan) established the crown prince (Liu Xuan), Li Zhuan became an Attendant to the Crown Prince, then Attendant Supervisor, Palace Grandee, and General of the Household of the Right, continuing to serve the crown prince (Liu Xuan). The crown prince (Liu Xuan) delighted in his wide knowledge, but because he was frivolous and fond of jokes, contemporaries could not esteem him highly. He wrote on the Ancient Text Changes, Documents, Mao Odes, Three Ritual Classics, Zuo Commentary, and Guiding Principles of the Supreme Mystery. All followed the standards of Jia and Ma and differed from Zheng Xuan. He was geographically separated from the Wang school and had never seen its writings, yet their conclusions often agreed. <Jia, Ma, and Wang are abbreviated scholarly designations in the source; complete identifications are not imposed here.> He died during Jingyao.
There was also Chen Shu of Hanzhong, courtesy name Shenbo, widely learned and knowledgeable. He wrote seven chapters of the Explanation of the Regions, the Biographies of Elders of Yi Province, and its Records. He successively governed three commanderies.
Qiao Zhou, courtesy name Yunnan, was from Xichongguo in Baxi. His father, whose personal name is written 𡸫 and whose courtesy name was Rongshi, studied the Documents and also mastered other classics and prophetic charts. He declined provincial and commandery recruitment, so the province granted him the position Administrative Officer Serving as Teacher and Friend where he lived. <The reading of the rare personal-name character 𡸫 is not securely established here.> Orphaned young, Qiao Zhou lived with his mother and elder brother. Growing up, he immersed himself in antiquity and devoted himself to learning. Though poor, he never asked about property. Reciting the classics, he smiled alone in delight and forgot sleep and food. He studied the Six Classics closely, excelling especially in written records. He knew something of celestial observation but did not devote attention to it. The philosophers' writings were not his chief concern, and he did not read all of them. Eight chi tall, plain in appearance, he was sincere and unadorned. He lacked talent for immediate debate but possessed deep knowledge and inward quickness.
During Jianxing, Chancellor Zhuge Liang concurrently governed Yi Province and appointed Qiao Zhou Administrative Officer Encouraging Learning.
Zhuge Liang died in enemy territory. Hearing the news at home, Qiao Zhou immediately hastened to him. An edict soon prohibited such travel, but Qiao Zhou's swift departure alone enabled him to reach the destination. General-in-Chief Jiang Wan concurrently became inspector and transferred Qiao Zhou to Administrative Officer Supervising Learning, overseeing the province's scholars. When the Later Lord (Liu Shan) established the crown prince (Liu Xuan), Qiao Zhou became his Attendant, then Prefect of his Household. The Later Lord (Liu Shan) increasingly went on excursions and expanded music and entertainment. Qiao Zhou submitted this remonstrance:
'Formerly, after Wang Mang's defeat, heroes rose together, occupying provinces and commanderies and seeking to handle the sacred regalia of sovereignty. Worthy and intelligent men considered where to turn, not necessarily judging the extent of power but the depth of virtue. At that time Gengshi (Liu Xuan) <his era-name designation>, Gongsun Shu, and others with great followings thought themselves expansive and grand, yet all indulged their wishes and desires, neglected goodness, hunted, drank, and ate without concern for people or resources. When Shizu (Liu Xiu) <"Dynastic Ancestor," a posthumous temple name> first entered the lands north of the Yellow River, Feng Yi and others urged: "Do what other men cannot." He therefore worked to resolve unjust imprisonments, reduced expenditure on food and drink, and honored laws in every action. The northern provinces sang his praises, and his reputation spread far. Deng Yu pursued him from Nanyang. Wu Han and Kou Xun had never met Shizu (Liu Xiu), but hearing of his virtue, they used expedient plans to bring the mounted shock troops of Yuyang and Shanggu to meet him at Guang'a. Men like Pi Rong, Geng Chun, and Liu Zhi admired his reputation and virtue. Countless people came carrying the sick, following coffins, or bearing children on their backs. Thus he made weakness strong, destroyed Wang Lang, absorbed the Bronze Horses, broke the Red Eyebrows, and completed the imperial enterprise. 'At Luoyang he once wished to take a minor excursion, and the imperial carriage was already prepared. Yao Qi remonstrated: "The realm is not peaceful. I truly do not wish Your Majesty (Liu Xiu) to make frequent outings on minor affairs." He immediately turned the carriage back. Later, campaigning against Wei Xiao, he heard that bandits had risen in Yingchuan. Shizu (Liu Xiu) returned to Luoyang and intended merely to send Kou Xun. Kou Xun said: "Yingchuan's villains rebelled because Your Majesty (Liu Xiu) was campaigning far away. Not knowing you have returned, they may not surrender promptly. If you go personally, the rebels will surely surrender immediately." He went to Yingchuan, and events were exactly as predicted. Thus, when the task was not urgent, he dared not make even a small outing; when urgent, he refused to seek his own ease. Such was an emperor's desire for goodness! The tradition says, "The people do not attach themselves without cause": virtue truly leads them. 'Now Han faces ill fortune and the realm is divided into three. This is a time when heroic and discerning scholars consider where to turn. Your Majesty (Liu Shan) is naturally supremely filial. More than three years after bereavement, you still shed tears when speaking of it. Even Zeng Shen and Min Ziqian could not surpass this. In honoring worthies and employing talent, allowing them to exert their utmost, you surpass King Cheng of Zhou (Ji Song) <a posthumous royal title> and King Kang of Zhou (Ji Zhao) <a posthumous royal title>. Thus the country is harmonious and united, great and small exerting themselves together, beyond my power to describe. Yet I cannot restrain my great wish that you further extend what others cannot do. Those pulling a great weight fear too few hands; those overcoming great difficulty fear too few good methods. Serving the ancestral temples is not merely seeking blessings, but leading the people to honor their superiors. Yet you sometimes fail to attend the seasonal sacrifices while repeatedly going to view ponds and parks. In my foolishness this privately troubles me. One bearing concern and responsibility has no leisure to exhaust pleasure. The late emperor (Liu Bei)'s intention—the hall and its structure—remains unfinished. This is truly no time for complete enjoyment. I hope you will reduce new additions to the music establishments and harem, maintaining only what the late emperor (Liu Bei) provided and leaving descendants a teaching of frugality.' <Pi Rong follows 邳肜 in this source, differing from the familiar written form 邳彤.>
Qiao Zhou was transferred to Palace Grandee and continued serving the crown prince (Liu Xuan).
At that time armies repeatedly campaigned and the people were impoverished and exhausted. Qiao Zhou discussed the advantages and harms with Chen Zhi, Prefect of the Masters of Writing, then wrote it down as the Discussion of Rival States. It read:
'The state of Yinyu was small, while the state of Zhaojian was great. Both contended in the world as enemies. In Yinyu, Gaoxianqing, the Eminent Worthy Minister, asked Master Fuyuzi, the Concealed Fool: "The state's affairs remain unsettled, and superiors and subordinates are troubled. In ancient cases where the weak overcame the strong, what methods were used?" 'Master Fuyuzi said: "I have heard that those occupying a great state without anxiety are often arrogant, while those in a small state with worries continually think of goodness. Arrogance produces disorder; thought for goodness produces order. This is the constant principle. Thus King Wen of Zhou (Ji Chang) nurtured the people and took the many with the few; Goujian cared for his followers and destroyed the strong with the weak. This was their method." 'Gaoxianqing said: "Formerly Xiang Yu was strong and Han weak. They fought without a peaceful day. Yet Xiang Yu and Han agreed to divide at the Hong Canal, each wishing to return and rest the people. Zhang Liang thought that once popular wishes settled, they would be difficult to stir. They promptly pursued Xiang Yu and finally destroyed his house. Why must one follow King Wen of Zhou (Ji Chang)'s example? Zhaojian now suffers internal ailments. We exploit its openings and penetrate its frontier, hoping to worsen its illness and destroy it." 'Master Fuyuzi said: "At the transition from Yin to Zhou, kings and lords had hereditary honor, ruler and minister long-established bonds, and the people familiar allegiances. Deep roots are hard to pull up, and secure positions hard to move. At such a time, even Gaozu of Han (Liu Bang) <a customary retrospective imperial designation> could not have taken the realm merely by wielding a sword and spurring a horse. After Qin abolished the lords and established governors, the people were exhausted by its labor demands, and the realm collapsed. Some changed rulers yearly, others monthly, startled like birds and beasts and not knowing whom to follow. Powerful men contended, dividing like tigers and wolves. The swift attackers gained much, while laggards were swallowed. "Now both we and Zhaojian have transmitted our states through succeeding generations. This is not the seething end of Qin, but rather a situation of several states coexisting like the Six States. Thus we may act like King Wen of Zhou (Ji Chang), but it is hard to act like Gaozu of Han (Liu Bang). When people are weary, signs of disturbance arise. When superiors are arrogant and subordinates violent, the prospect of dissolution appears. The proverb says, 'Shooting in hope and repeatedly missing is inferior to releasing after careful aim.' Thus the wise do not shift their gaze for small profits or alter their steps for mere seeming opportunities. They move only when the time permits and act when the calculations agree. The armies of Tang of Shang (Zi Lü) <a traditional designation for Shang's founder> and King Wu of Zhou (Ji Fa) <a posthumous royal title> therefore conquered without a second battle, truly valuing the people's labor and carefully judging the times. If one exhausts military force in repeated campaigns and the conditions of collapse arise, an unfortunate crisis may come that even the wise cannot plan against. As for extraordinary transformations and maneuvers, passing in and out without interval, cutting through waves and tracks, leaping valleys and mountains, and crossing Mengjin without boats or oars—these are truly beyond me, a fool."' <Yinyu, 'continuing the remainder,' and Zhaojian, 'beginning establishment,' are the allegorical state names in the text.>
Later Qiao Zhou became Grandee of the Household, ranking just below the Nine Ministers. Though not involved in government, he was respected for Confucian conduct. When consulted on major questions he answered from the classics, and younger scholars also asked him about their doubts.
In winter of Jingyao 6, Wei's General-in-Chief Deng Ai captured Jiangyou and advanced far. Shu had originally thought the enemy could not readily arrive and made no arrangements for fortified defense. Hearing that Deng Ai had entered Yinping, the people became disturbed and fled into mountains and countryside beyond restraint. The Later Lord (Liu Shan) assembled the ministers to deliberate, but no plan emerged. Some thought Shu and Wu were allied and he should flee to Wu. Others thought Nanzhong's seven commanderies, rugged and isolated, were easily defended and he should flee south. Qiao Zhou alone argued:
'From antiquity there has never been a Son of Heaven lodging in another state. If you enter Wu now, you must submit as its subject. Moreover, where government is not different, the great can swallow the small: this follows naturally from their relative circumstances. Thus Wei can annex Wu, while Wu plainly cannot annex Wei. If one must become a vassal, why serve the small rather than the great? How does the shame of two humiliations compare with one? As for fleeing south, this would require early planning before it could succeed. Now the great enemy is close and disaster approaches; not one of the lesser men's hearts can be guaranteed. I fear unpredictable changes the moment you set out. How could you reach the south?'
Some ministers challenged Qiao Zhou: 'Deng Ai is now nearby. What if he refuses surrender?' Qiao Zhou said: 'Eastern Wu remains unsubdued. Given the circumstances, Wei must accept, and after accepting must treat you with courtesy. If Your Majesty (Liu Shan) surrenders and Wei does not divide off land to enfeoff you, I will go personally to the capital and contend on ancient principles.' No one could overturn his reasoning.
The Later Lord (Liu Shan) still hesitated about going south. Qiao Zhou memorialized:
'Some advise Your Majesty (Liu Shan), because the northern troops have penetrated deeply, to go south. In my foolish view this is unsafe. Why? The south is a remote land of foreign peoples. Even ordinarily, without burdens imposed, they repeatedly rebelled. Since Chancellor Zhuge Liang's southern campaign, military pressure forced their reluctant obedience. Thereafter official taxes supplied the troops, causing sorrow and resentment: these people regard the state as an affliction. Now, in extremity, you wish to depend on them. I fear they will certainly rebel again: this is the first reason. The northern troops have not come merely to take Shu. If you flee south, they will exploit your declining strength and pursue promptly: this is the second. In the south you must resist enemies outside and provide for your household within. Expenditure will expand, with no other source than heavy depletion of the foreign peoples. Heavy depletion must bring rapid rebellion: this is the third. 'Formerly Wang Lang usurped the title at Handan while Shizu (Liu Xiu) was at Xindu. Fearing pressure from Wang Lang, he intended to abandon the place and return to Guanzhong. Pi Rong remonstrated: "If you return west, the people of Handan will not abandon their parents and turn their backs on their city ruler to escort you a thousand li. Their flight and defection are certain." Shizu (Liu Xiu) followed this and defeated Handan. Now that northern troops have arrived, if Your Majesty (Liu Shan) goes south, I fear Pi Rong's words will prove true again: this is the fourth. I hope Your Majesty (Liu Shan) will plan early and obtain rank and land. If you go south and submit only after exhaustion, the disaster will be profound. 'The Changes says: "Overreaching means knowing advance but not loss, knowing survival but not destruction. One who knows gain and loss, survival and destruction, without losing the right course—is this not the sage?" This means the sage knows the mandate and does not stubbornly insist. Thus Yao and Shun, because their sons were unworthy, knew Heaven had bestowed authority elsewhere and sought to confer it on others. Though their sons were unworthy, disaster had not yet arisen, yet they anticipated it and transferred power. How much more when disaster has already arrived! Thus Weizi, elder brother of the King of Yin (Zi Shou), bound his hands and carried a jade disc in his mouth in submission to King Wu of Zhou (Ji Fa). Was this what he desired? It was unavoidable.' <The source's quotation places Handan's people in the advice to Liu Xiu at Xindu; the place-name is retained as printed. It also writes 知而不知喪 in the Changes quotation, whose abbreviated or defective wording is not silently replaced with another edition.>
The Later Lord (Liu Shan) accordingly followed Qiao Zhou's plan. That the Liu family suffered no harm and the whole country benefited was due to Qiao Zhou's counsel.
At that time King Wen of Jin (Sima Zhao) <a posthumous royal designation> was Chancellor of State in Wei. For Qiao Zhou's achievement in preserving the country, he enfeoffed him as Marquis of Yangcheng Village (Qiao Zhou) <a territorial marquisate> and sent a letter recruiting him. Qiao Zhou reached Hanzhong but was prevented by illness from continuing. In summer of Xianxi 2, Wen Li of Ba Commandery returned from Luoyang to Shu and visited him on the way. During their conversation, Qiao Zhou wrote on a tablet: 'Dianwu will suddenly depart; in the you month he will sink.' Dianwu meant Sima, and the you month meant the eighth month. In the eighth month King Wen (Sima Zhao) indeed died.
After Jin assumed the throne, repeated edicts ordered the local authorities to send Qiao Zhou on. He traveled by carriage despite illness and reached Luo in Taishi 3. Unable to rise because of illness, he was appointed Commandant of Cavalry where he lay. He declared that he had been enfeoffed without merit and asked to return his rank and land, but permission was refused. In Taishi 5, I, Chen Shou, served as Impartial Assessor of my home commandery. After completing the assessments, I requested leave to return home and went to bid Qiao Zhou farewell. He told me: 'Formerly Confucius died at seventy-two, and Liu Xiang and Yang Xiong at seventy-one. I am now past seventy. Hoping to follow Confucius's surviving influence, I may share Liu Xiang and Yang Xiong's course. I fear I shall die by the year after next and never see you again.' I suspect he knew this through his arts and used these words as a pretext. In autumn of Taishi 6, he was made Mounted Regular Attendant, but serious illness prevented acceptance. He died in winter.
His selected writings included the Model Instructions, Discussions of the Five Classics, Investigations of Ancient History, and related works, totaling more than a hundred chapters.
Qiao Zhou had three sons: Qiao Xi, Qiao Xian, and Qiao Tong. The youngest, Qiao Tong, somewhat favored his father's studies and likewise practiced loyal sincerity, plainness, and simplicity. Recommended as Filial and Incorrupt, he was appointed Magistrate of Xi and Attendant to the Crown Prince, but did not answer the summons.
Xi Zheng, courtesy name Lingxian, was from Yanshi in Henan. His grandfather Xi Jian became Inspector of Yi Province late under Emperor Ling (Liu Hong) and was killed by rebels. Amid the great disorder his father Xi Yi remained in Shu. Xi Yi served as a commander under General Meng Da, followed him in surrendering to Wei, and became a clerk in the Secretariat. Xi Zheng's original name was Zuan. His father died and his mother remarried when he was young, leaving him isolated and alone. Yet he accepted poverty and loved learning, reading widely in ancient texts. By early manhood he could compose prose. He entered service as a Secretariat clerk, became senior clerk, then gentleman, and ultimately prefect. Indifferent to honor and profit, he was especially devoted to literary writing. The surviving works and rhapsodies of Sima, Wang, Yang, Ban, Fu, Zhang, Cai, and their peers, together with contemporary fine writings and sound discussions available in Yi Province, he sought out and studied until he had seen nearly all. During thirty years of palace service he lived and associated near the eunuch Huang Hao. Huang Hao rose from low status to high power, yet Xi Zheng was neither loved nor hated by him. Thus his office never exceeded six hundred shi, but he escaped trouble. <The authors' surnames are abbreviated in the source; precise individual identifications are not forced into this list.> <The source's 單煢雙立 combines an expression of isolation with the character 雙, "two"; its precise construction is uncertain.>
Following earlier Confucians, he used literary expression to reveal his intentions in a work called Explanation of Criticism, continuing Cui Yin's Explication of Purpose. It read:
'Someone criticized me: "I have heard in earlier records that undertakings advance with their times and reputation accompanies achievement. Thus reputation and deeds were urgent concerns of earlier worthies. Institutions and models cannot stand without the right time; praise and a lasting name are not recorded without merit. Reputation needs achievement to shine, and action awaits its moment to proceed or stop. To die with one's name extinguished is a gentleman's shame. Thus accomplished men investigate the Way, explore subtleties, observe signs in Heaven's movements, and examine human rise and decline. Eloquent men race in persuasion, the wise meet opportunities, counselors develop strategies, and warriors exert might. Gathering like clouds and mist, stirring like wind and flying like lightning, they measure the time and fitness to obtain the age's resources, bending a little to stretch greatly, preserving public duty and neglecting self. Though bending a foot to straighten a fathom, they finally display radiance. "Now three powers stand like tripod legs and the nine regions remain unsettled. Across the four seas people meet calamity and defeat. One laments the obstruction of the Way and righteousness and pities the people's distress. This is truly the season for sages to rescue and men of resolve to establish merit. You possess lofty clear talent and the substance of jade tablets, read broadly, and attend to the arts of the Way, reaching every distance and understanding every obscurity. You offered yourself for appointment and managed secret affairs, lingering at the purple gates and holding the court's throat and tongue. Nine assessments have passed without a change, entering but never leaving—'
'"—examining truth and falsehood in antiquity and the present and calculating gains and losses in current affairs. Though occasionally offering a plan or advancing a word, you merely discharge your official duty and ease the shame of unearned food. You have not exhausted loyal sincerity, poured out heart and liver, rejected crookedness to enter uprightness, benefited the people, and allowed humble men like us to hear of it. Why not steady the crossbar and reins, turn your wheels and change roads, set your carriage secure and team at ease, and let the horses proceed? Judge whether to lift your robe or wade to a crossing, seek the brilliance of the broad highway, and scatter autumn orchids to scent the age, fulfilling our hopes. Would that not be splendid?" 'Hearing this, I sighed: "Ah, is that what you say? Men's hearts differ as their faces do. Though your words shine, beautiful and brilliant, you view through a tube and measure with a basket, clinging to what you see. You cannot yet describe the bounds of the eight expanses or truly master the refinement of all affairs." The other man abruptly raised his brows and said: "What are you saying? What are you saying?" 'I answered: "The Emperor of Yu (Shun) <a legendary ruler's designation> warned against outward compliance, and the sage Confucius condemned merely pleasing oneself. Your words concern what I have indeed considered. I shall discuss and explain them. In remote antiquity, at the dark beginning, the Three Sovereigns answered the registers and the Five Emperors received the signs, down through Xia and Shang as the earlier books record. When the Ji house declined and the Way failed, hegemons hoped to support it. The Ying house became cruel and swallowed the eight regions. Then alliance-makers rose like clouds, cunning deceit appeared like stars, strange and crooked schemes swarmed, and calculating ingenuity sprouted. Some adorned truth to oppose falsehood; some embraced evil to seek honor; some used deceitful ways to court superiors; some sold skills to boast of themselves. They turned from right to evil and abandoned straightforwardness for flattery. Loyalty had no fixed duty and righteousness no constant rule. Thus Shang Yang's laws reached their limit and evil arose; Li Si's principles failed and treachery succeeded; Lü Buwei's household grew great and his clan was destroyed; Han Fei's arguments stood firm and his person was punished. "Why? Profit twisted their hearts and favor dazzled their eyes: brilliant dragon insignia, gleaming carriages and robes. They stole fortunate advantage and grasped gain, turning and inclining, lost in licentious error, indulging themselves to the utmost. Before their carriage bells were tuned, their bodies lay beside the shafts; before they trod a peaceful court, beams broke and rafters collapsed. Heaven withdrew their essence, Earth contracted its bounty, men mourned their bodies, and spirits cut their foreheads. First they climbed high ridges; finally they fell into dark ravines. At dawn they possessed honor and freshness; by evening they were withered shades. "Thus worthy gentlemen plan deeply and think far ahead, fearing such faults and soaring beyond them. They prefer dragging their tails in mud and regard fame in a polluted age as filthy. Do they slight rulers, neglect people, or ignore current affairs? The Changes records warnings on advancing and stopping, and the Odes praises reverent service. The spirits hear this, and the Way makes it so. Our great Han answered Heaven and followed the people. The excellence of its government shone like spring sunshine, modeling itself below on Earth's order and above on Heaven's patterns, spreading imperial favor to brighten the world and extending the rich fullness of transformation. Ruler and ministers observed proper measures, each preserving sincerity. Above was generous consultation and acceptance; below the duty to correct and rescue. Scholars received no favor for empty display, and the people had traces of consistent conduct. Brilliant and diligent, loyal benefit was honored. "Yet the Way rises and declines, and things flourish and fall. There is sound and silence, brightness and obscurity. Crimson sunlight is checked by white autumn; dark yin is restrained by early spring. Xihe passes and Wangshu is tethered; the moving energies hide and the radiant spirit appears. Emperor Chong (Liu Bing) <the Han emperor's posthumous title> and Emperor Zhi (Liu Zuan) <the Han emperor's posthumous title> did not endure; Emperor Huan (Liu Zhi) <the Han emperor's posthumous title> and Emperor Ling (Liu Hong) fell into ruin. Heroes spread like clouds and outstanding men filled the age, every household with a different argument and every man a different plan. Thus alliance-makers suddenly opened their breasts and deceivers briefly thrust out their tongues. "Now Heaven's net has been mended and virtue planted in the western realm. The illustrious ancestor (Liu Bei)'s grand design confers worthy ranks upon scholars, revives the five teachings to instruct customs, enriches the nine virtues to aid the people, solemnizes the bright sacrifices, and approaches the imperial Way in support of truth. Though the separate powers are not united and the false claim remains undivided, the sage warned that equality, not poverty, is the concern. Ruler and ministers unite their excellence at court, and the people joyfully uphold them in the fields. In movement they resemble matching compasses; in stillness, doubled squares. The many outstanding men are peers of the Eight Yuan and Eight Kai. Knowing every fault is Yan Hui's humanity; the vigorous administration of affairs is the governance of the Ran and Ji disciples; soaring like hawks is the work of Yi Yin and Lü Wang (Jiang Shang). They combine the finest strategies of many talents, encompass the three plans of the Xue family, and deploy the secret policies of Zhang Liang and Chen Ping. Thus they campaign diligently for the age and extend transforming excellence without leisure. How could they find time to tend dried sheaths among tangled weeds? <Some allusions here retain abbreviated designations where their complete personal referents are not securely established.> "I lack talent, yet have spent decades at court, entrusting myself to my sovereign and relying upon him in heart. I rejoice in the sea's breadth and depth and admire the sacred mountain's height. Hearing Confucius praise Shang and appreciating the village school's benefit, I also follow Yan Pingzhong (Yan Ying)'s blending of soup, endorsing what is sound and rejecting what is not. Thus, blindly offering ignorant words, I sometimes make a contribution, like a collector gathering sayings in markets and lanes or children singing along the borders, hoping to increase blessings and exert myself in corrective advice. If it fits, darkness joins brightness and advances in accord with the sacred signs. If it differs, that is my ordinary lot, and I withdraw to keep my foolishness. I entrust advance and retreat to circumstance, without falsification or deception, following my nature and enjoying Heaven. What regret remains? This is why I have entered without leaving, possessing yet seeming not to possess. "I find Qu Yuan's constant sobriety narrow and the fisherman's necessary drunkenness turbid; I regard Liuxia Ji (Zhan Huo)'s indifference to low rank and humiliation as mixed, and Boyi and Shuqi's lofty resentment as constricted. In agreement I do not seek gain; in disagreement I do not count loss. Gain cannot bend me, and loss does not plunge me into terror. I do not delight in the front because the carriage rises there, or seek the rear because it dips. I do not sell reputation to seek favor or deny faults to avoid dismissal. What duty must I discharge? What food must I worry over? What crookedness reject? What uprightness enter? Remaining unchanged through nine assessments is precisely what I uphold. "Now scholars at court pile like mountains and great talents gather in groups, like scaled creatures hidden in the vast sea and feathered ones assembled in Deng Forest. Departing birds do not diminish them, nor arriving bream make them abundant. Moreover the sun's spirit was hidden in Tang's age and the moon's essence responded in Shang's time. At the Yangxu River a petition ended the great flood; prayer in the Mulberry Grove brought nourishing rain—'
'"—advance and stopping have their Way; opening and blockage their times. My teacher left the instruction to resent neither Heaven nor men. Entrusting my fate and respectfully conducting myself, what more can I say? When words are exhausted and the road solitary, I shall return to my original principles, gather the currents of ancient books, seek Confucius's surviving arts, connect subtle words to preserve the Way, and use earlier models to fashion forms. I shall record Shu Xi's leisure and praise the Shu family's distant departure, gather contentment and return, drift in clear expansiveness, and enjoy the quiet enclosure of my humble walls, avoiding fault and regret in this age. Yet my heart is not fully at ease, fearing that the last road may become mired. Repeated provocation increases my indignation, so I set forth what is within as a declaration. Formerly Jiufang examined the essence of the most precious horses, while Qin Ya contemplated their exceptional forms—'
'"Xue Zhu examined treasures and spread his fame—'
'"Huliang entrusted himself to strings and transmitted music—'
'"The retainer of Qi struck his thigh and rescued Wen—'
'"The guest of Chu stole secretly and preserved Jing—'
'"Yongmen took up the qin and joined it with persuasion—'
'"Han Ai held the reins and raced to fame—'
'"Lu Ao soared at the Dark Gate, while the mysterious man rose into clear clouds—'
'"I truly cannot equal the skills of these men. Therefore I remain quietly within myself and find peace."'
In Jingyao 6, the Later Lord (Liu Shan) followed Qiao Zhou's plan and sent envoys requesting surrender to Deng Ai. Xi Zheng composed the letter. In the first month of the following year, Zhong Hui rebelled at Chengdu and the Later Lord (Liu Shan) moved east to Luoyang amid sudden confusion. None of Shu's great ministers hoped to accompany him; only Xi Zheng and Zhang Tong of Runan, Palace Supervisor, left wives and children and followed alone. Guided by Xi Zheng in appropriate conduct, the Later Lord (Liu Shan) made no errors in his actions. He sighed deeply, regretting that he had recognized Xi Zheng so late. Contemporary opinion praised Xi Zheng. He received the rank Marquis Within the Passes (Xi Zheng) <a marquisate without a territorial fief>. During Taishi he became Magistrate of Anyang and then Grand Administrator of Baxi. In Taishi 8 an edict said: 'Formerly at Chengdu, Xi Zheng preserved righteousness amid distress and did not abandon loyal integrity. When employed, he devoted himself fully to affairs and achieved results in government. Let him become Grand Administrator of Baxi.' He died in Xianning 4. His poems, discussions, rhapsodies, and other writings numbered nearly a hundred. <The source prints 關內候, differing in the final character from the usual title 關內侯.> <The phrase 無冀從者 uses 冀, "hope"; its intended textual reading remains uncertain.>
Appraisal: Du Wei cultivated himself in secluded quiet and did not serve the age, approaching the spirit of Boyi and the Four Graybeards. Zhou Qun's celestial observations had evidence of fulfillment, while Du Qiong was silent, cautious, and discreet: pure men among the scholars. Xu Ci, Meng Guang, Lai Min, and Li Zhuan were widely read and knowledgeable, and Yin Mo excelled in the Zuo tradition. Though not renowned for virtuous achievements, all were truly scholars of their time. Qiao Zhou's language and reasoning were profound and comprehensive. A great Confucian of the age, he followed the models of Dong Zhongshu and Yang Xiong. Xi Zheng's brilliant literary expression had the style of Zhang Heng and Cai Yong. Considering their conduct as well, a gentleman finds things worthy of approval. These two had few deeds under Jin and many in Shu, so they are recorded in this chapter. <The identifications of the abbreviated 董、揚 and 張、蔡 follow their literary and scholarly context and remain open to further review.>