VOLUME 35 · ENGLISH TRANSLATION

Book of Shu · Biography of Zhuge Liang

By Chen Shou · With source commentary

Zhuge Liang, courtesy name Kongming, was from Yangdu in Langye. He descended from Zhuge Feng, Director of Retainers under Han. His father Zhuge Gui, courtesy name Jungong, was Assistant Administrator of Taishan toward the end of Han. Zhuge Liang lost his father early. His uncle Zhuge Xuan was appointed Administrator of Yuzhang by Yuan Shu and took Zhuge Liang and his younger brother Zhuge Jun to his post. The Han court then selected Zhu Hao to replace Zhuge Xuan. Having an old connection with Governor of Jing Province Liu Biao, Zhuge Xuan went to depend upon him.

After Zhuge Xuan died, Zhuge Liang farmed the fields himself and liked singing the Ballad of Liangfu.

He stood eight chi tall and frequently compared himself with Guan Zhong and Yue Yi. His contemporaries did not accept the comparison. Only his friends Cui Zhouping of Boling and Xu Shu, courtesy name Yuanzhi, of Yingchuan thought it truly justified.

CommentaryAccording to the Genealogy of the Cui Clan, Cui Zhouping was a son of Grand Commandant Cui Lie and a younger brother of Cui Jun. A Brief History of Wei says: Early in Jian'an, while in Jing Province, Zhuge Liang studied with Shi Guangyuan [Shi Tao] and Xu Yuanzhi [Xu Shu] of Yingchuan and Meng Gongwei [Meng Jian] of Runan. The three pursued thorough mastery, while Zhuge Liang alone surveyed the broad outlines. In leisurely moments morning and evening, he would clasp his knees and give a long whistle. He told them: “You three can rise to inspector or commandery administrator.” Asked how far he himself would rise, he merely smiled. Later, Meng Gongwei wished to return north to his native district. Zhuge Liang said: “The central lands abound in scholar-officials. Why must one travel only in one's native place?” I, Pei Songzhi, consider that this statement in A Brief History of Wei may be understood as advice for Meng Gongwei. But if it is taken as applying also to Zhuge Liang himself, it fails to grasp his mind. Laozi says that knowing others is wisdom and knowing oneself is illumination; worthy and accomplished men must possess both. With Zhuge Liang's discernment, could he not assess his own capacity? His lofty singing as he awaited his time revealed his feelings, and his aspiration was settled from the beginning. Had he traveled in the central lands and displayed his brilliance, could its many scholars have obscured him? Had he pledged service to Wei and exercised his abilities, neither Chen Changwen [Chen Qun] nor Sima Zhongda [Sima Yi] could truly have matched him, much less the rest. He did not fear failure to establish achievement or to put his Way into practice. Though his ambition embraced the realm, he never turned north because authority had shifted and Han's rule was about to fall: he intended to assist an outstanding member of the imperial clan, taking revival of the declining line and restoration of what had been lost as his responsibility. How could his concern have been merely a small advantage on the frontier? As Xiangru [Sima Xiangru] said: “The great peng has already soared through the boundless sky, while the netter still looks among marshes.” Meng Gongwei's personal name was Jian; he too attained high distinction in Wei.

At the time, the Former Lord (Liu Bei) <the earlier sovereign of Shu-Han; a historical designation> was stationed at Xinye. Xu Shu visited him and was highly esteemed. Xu Shu said: “Zhuge Kongming [Zhuge Liang] is a sleeping dragon. Would you wish to see him, General?”

The Former Lord (Liu Bei) said, “Bring him with you.” Xu Shu replied: “You may go to see this man, but he cannot be summoned. You should condescend to visit him yourself.” The Former Lord (Liu Bei) therefore went to Zhuge Liang, making three visits before seeing him. Dismissing the others, he said: “The Han house is falling, treacherous ministers have stolen authority, and the sovereign suffers displacement. Without measuring my virtue or strength, I wished to uphold great righteousness throughout the realm. Yet my wisdom and resources were shallow, and I have suffered reverses down to this day. My resolve remains. What plan do you advise?” Zhuge Liang answered: “Since Dong Zhuo, heroes have risen together; those holding multiple provinces and commanderies are beyond counting. Compared with Yuan Shao, Cao Cao had little reputation and few troops. Yet he defeated Yuan Shao and turned weakness into strength, through human planning as well as Heaven's timing. Now Cao Cao commands a million men and holds the Son of Heaven (Liu Xie) to command the lords. He cannot be challenged directly. Sun Quan holds the lands east of the Yangzi through three successive leaders. His country is defensible, its people loyal, and its worthy and capable men serve him. He can be an ally, but cannot be taken. “Jing Province commands the Han and Mian rivers to the north, draws benefits from the southern sea, joins Wu and Kuaiji to the east, and communicates with Ba and Shu to the west. This is a land for military action, yet its ruler cannot defend it. Heaven seems to offer it to you. Have you an interest in it? Yi Province has formidable passes and fertile fields stretching a thousand li. It is a land of abundance, through which Emperor Gaozu (Liu Bang) <High Ancestor; the founder of Han> achieved imperial rule. Liu Zhang is weak and benighted, with Zhang Lu to the north. Though the people are numerous and the country rich, he does not care for them. Intelligent men long for an enlightened lord. “You are a descendant of the imperial house, renowned throughout the seas for trustworthiness and righteousness. You gather heroes and thirst for worthy men. If you hold Jing and Yi, defend their natural barriers, reconcile the western peoples, soothe the peoples of the south, ally with Sun Quan abroad, and improve government within, then, when the realm changes, send a senior general with Jing's army toward Wan and Luoyang, while you personally lead Yi's forces into the Qin plain. Who among the people would not welcome you with baskets of food and pots of drink? If this is accomplished, a hegemonic enterprise can be established and Han revived.” The Former Lord (Liu Bei) said, “Good!” His affection for Zhuge Liang grew daily. Guan Yu, Zhang Fei, and the others were displeased, but the Former Lord (Liu Bei) explained: “Having Kongming [Zhuge Liang] is like a fish having water. Please say no more.” Guan Yu and Zhang Fei then ceased.

CommentaryA Brief History of Wei says: Liu Bei was stationed at Fancheng. Cao Cao was then pacifying Hebei. Zhuge Liang knew Jing Province would next face attack, while Liu Biao was slow and ignorant of warfare. He went north to see Liu Bei, who did not previously know him and, because of his youth, treated him as an ordinary student. After the gathering ended, all the guests left except Zhuge Liang, but Liu Bei did not ask what he wished to say. Liu Bei liked tying ornamental tassels; someone had just given him a yak's tail, and he worked on it with his hands. Zhuge Liang stepped forward: “Should not a distinguished general have far-reaching ambitions, rather than merely tying tassels?” Recognizing that he was no ordinary man, Liu Bei put it aside: “What words are these? I merely do this to forget my worries.” Zhuge Liang asked: “How do you judge General Who Guards the South Liu (Liu Biao) against Duke Cao (Cao Cao) <a respectful designation for Cao Cao>?” Liu Bei answered, “Inferior.” “And yourself?” “Also inferior.” Zhuge Liang said: “Both are inferior, and you have no more than a few thousand men. Is it not ill-advised to meet the enemy thus?” Liu Bei replied: “I worry about this too. What should be done?” Zhuge Liang said: “Jing Province does not lack people, but few are registered. Ordinarily, levying them causes resentment. You could tell the General Who Guards the South (Liu Biao) to have all unregistered households declare themselves and enroll them to increase your forces.” Liu Bei followed the plan, and his forces grew stronger. Recognizing Zhuge Liang's exceptional strategy, he treated him as an honored guest. The Spring and Autumn Annals of the Nine Provinces gives the same account. I, Pei Songzhi, consider that Zhuge Liang's memorial says: “The late emperor did not despise my humble station, but condescended to visit me three times in my thatched cottage and consult me on current affairs.” It is therefore clear that Zhuge Liang did not first visit Liu Bei. Accounts may differ through what people heard and saw, but a contradiction this great is truly strange.

Liu Biao's eldest son Liu Qi also greatly esteemed Zhuge Liang. Influenced by his later wife, Liu Biao favored his younger son Liu Cong and disliked Liu Qi. Whenever Liu Qi sought advice about securing himself, Zhuge Liang evaded him and offered no plan. Liu Qi took him through the rear garden and up a high tower. During their drinking, he had the ladder removed and said: “Today we reach neither Heaven above nor earth below. Your words will leave your mouth and enter only my ears. Can you speak?” Zhuge Liang answered: “Have you not seen how Shensheng remained at home and was endangered, while Chong'er went abroad and found safety?” Understanding, Liu Qi secretly planned to leave. When Huang Zu died, he obtained appointment as Administrator of Jiangxia and went out. Soon Liu Biao died. Hearing that Duke Cao (Cao Cao) was coming, Liu Cong sent envoys to surrender. The Former Lord (Liu Bei), at Fan, heard this and led his followers south, accompanied by Zhuge Liang and Xu Shu. Duke Cao (Cao Cao) pursued and defeated them, capturing Xu Shu's mother. Taking leave of the Former Lord (Liu Bei), Xu Shu pointed to his heart: “What wished to plan a royal or hegemonic enterprise with you was this little space. Now that my mother is lost, my heart is in disorder and I can be of no use. Let us part here.” He went to Duke Cao (Cao Cao).

CommentaryA Brief History of Wei says: Xu Shu was originally named Fu, from a family without influential connections. In youth he liked chivalrous deeds and swordsmanship. Late in Zhongping, he avenged someone, whitened his face with chalk, and fled with his hair loose. Officials captured him, but he refused to give his name. They tied him spread out against a post on a cart and beat a drum through the marketplace, seeking identification. No one dared acknowledge him, and his associates seized the opportunity to rescue him. Deeply moved, he abandoned weapons, adopted a plain headcloth and simple robe, humbled himself, and studied. At first, students at the school refused to lodge with him because they heard he had been a bandit. He rose early, swept alone, anticipated others' wishes, and diligently mastered the classics and their principles. He became close to Shi Tao of his commandery. During Chuping, warfare arose in the central lands. He and Shi Tao went south to Jing Province, where he formed a particularly close friendship with Zhuge Liang. When Jing Province submitted, Kongming [Zhuge Liang] left with Liu Bei, while Xu Fu and Shi Tao went north. During Huangchu, Shi Tao served as commandery administrator and Agricultural Colonel; Xu Fu rose to General of the Gentlemen of the Household of the Right and Assistant Palace Secretary of the Censorate. During Taihe, Zhuge Liang campaigned in Longyou. Hearing that Yuanzhi [Xu Shu] and Guangyuan [Shi Tao] had attained only these offices, he sighed: “Does Wei truly have so many talented men? Why are those two not fully employed?” Xu Shu died of illness a few years later; his stele at Pengcheng still survives today [the cited author's time].

When the Former Lord (Liu Bei) reached Xiakou, Zhuge Liang said: “The situation is urgent. Let me seek help from General Sun (Sun Quan).” Sun Quan was then at Chaisang with his army, watching events. Zhuge Liang persuaded him: “The realm is in great disorder. You have raised troops and taken the lands east of the Yangzi, while Liu of Yu Province (Liu Bei) <a designation from his provincial office> has gathered men south of the Han to contend with Cao Cao. Now Cao Cao has quelled great troubles and nearly pacified the realm. He has overrun Jing Province, and his might shakes the four seas. Heroes have no place to use their strength; thus Liu of Yu Province (Liu Bei) has fled here. Assess your strength and decide. If you can contend with the central lands using the men of Wu and Yue, break with Cao Cao early. If not, why not lay down arms and serve him facing north? Outwardly you profess submission, inwardly you hesitate. If you fail to decide in an emergency, disaster will come at any moment.” Sun Quan said: “If that is so, why does Liu of Yu Province (Liu Bei) not serve him?” Zhuge Liang answered: “Tian Heng, merely a brave man of Qi, upheld righteousness rather than accept humiliation. How much more Liu of Yu Province (Liu Bei), a descendant of the royal house whose exceptional talent attracts men like water flowing to the sea! If his cause fails, that is Heaven's doing. How could he become Cao Cao's subordinate?” Sun Quan declared angrily: “I cannot hand all Wu and its hundred thousand men over to another's control. I have decided! Only Liu of Yu Province (Liu Bei) can oppose Cao Cao. But after his recent defeat, how can he withstand this danger?” Zhuge Liang replied: “Though defeated at Changban, his returning fighting men and Guan Yu's naval elites total ten thousand. Liu Qi's Jiangxia troops number no fewer than ten thousand. Cao Cao's men have come far and are exhausted. I hear that his light cavalry pursued Liu of Yu Province (Liu Bei) more than three hundred li in one day and night. This is what is called ‘an arrow at the end of a powerful crossbow's flight, unable to pierce even fine silk from Lu.’ Military principles warn against it: ‘It will bring down the senior commander.’ Moreover, northerners are unused to naval warfare. Those of Jing Province who joined Cao Cao were compelled by military pressure, not heartfelt allegiance. If you order a fierce general to lead several tens of thousands and cooperate with Liu of Yu Province (Liu Bei), Cao Cao's army must be defeated. It will withdraw north, strengthening Jing and Wu and establishing a three-legged balance. Success or failure turns on today.” Delighted, Sun Quan immediately sent Zhou Yu, Cheng Pu, Lu Su, and thirty thousand naval troops with Zhuge Liang to join the Former Lord (Liu Bei) against Duke Cao (Cao Cao).

CommentaryThe Yuanzi says: Zhang Zibu [Zhang Zhao] recommended Zhuge Liang to Sun Quan, but Zhuge Liang refused to stay. Asked why, he said: “General Sun (Sun Quan) may be called a ruler of men. But judging his capacity, he can esteem me without fully employing me. That is why I do not stay.” I, Pei Songzhi, consider that Yuan Xiaoni [Yuan Zhun] greatly esteemed Zhuge Liang in his writings, but here he misses the mark by far. The encounter of Zhuge Liang and his lord was rare in an age; their bond held from beginning to end. Who could divide them? Could he abandon a friendship that cuts metal and newly consider choosing a ruler, leaving at once if Sun Quan offered full scope? Was that how Zhuge Liang conducted himself? Guan Yu was captured by Duke Cao (Cao Cao) and treated generously, with full scope for his talents, yet righteously remained true to his original allegiance. Could Kongming [Zhuge Liang] be inferior to Yunchang [Guan Yu]?

Duke Cao (Cao Cao) was defeated at Red Cliffs and withdrew to Ye. The Former Lord (Liu Bei) secured the lands south of the Yangzi and appointed Zhuge Liang General of the Gentlemen of the Household as Military Adviser, supervising Lingling, Guiyang, and Changsha and levying their taxes to supply the army.

In Jian'an 16, Governor of Yi Province Liu Zhang sent Fa Zheng to welcome the Former Lord (Liu Bei) and have him attack Zhang Lu. Zhuge Liang and Guan Yu guarded Jing Province. When the Former Lord (Liu Bei) returned from Jiameng to attack Liu Zhang, Zhuge Liang, Zhang Fei, Zhao Yun, and the others led troops upstream, separately pacified commanderies and counties, and joined him in besieging Chengdu. After its fall, Zhuge Liang became General as Military Adviser and administered the office of the General of the Left. Whenever the Former Lord (Liu Bei) went out, Zhuge Liang guarded Chengdu and ensured adequate food and troops. In the twenty-sixth year, the subordinates urged the Former Lord (Liu Bei) to assume the imperial title, but he refused. Zhuge Liang said: “When Wu Han, Geng Yan, and the others first urged Emperor Shizu (Liu Xiu) <a temple designation of the Eastern Han restorer> to take the throne, he declined three or four times. Geng Chun said: ‘The realm's heroes eagerly hope for something. If you refuse, the scholars will each seek another lord and have no reason to follow you.’ Moved by these earnest words, Emperor Shizu (Liu Xiu) agreed. Now Cao's house has usurped Han, and the realm has no ruler. You descend from the Liu clan and rise to continue its generations. It is proper to take the imperial throne. Those who have followed you through long hardships also hope for some small achievement, as Geng Chun said.” The Former Lord (Liu Bei) therefore took the imperial throne and appointed Zhuge Liang Chancellor by this document: “I have encountered misfortune in my house and inherited the great succession. Fearfully diligent, I dare not seek ease. I wish to bring peace to the people but fear I cannot secure them. Ah! Chancellor Zhuge Liang, understand my intention, never weary in making good my deficiencies, and help proclaim renewed radiance throughout the realm. Strive!” As Chancellor, Zhuge Liang supervised the Affairs of the Masters of Writing and held credentials. After Zhang Fei died, he concurrently became Director of Retainers.

CommentaryThe Record of Shu says: Early under Jin, the King of Fufeng (Sima Jun) commanded Guanzhong. His Major Liu Bao of Gaoping, Chief Clerk Huan Xi of Xingyang, and the other officials and scholars discussed Zhuge Liang. Many criticized him for serving the wrong cause, exhausting Shu's people, planning beyond his strength, and failing to measure his virtue and ability. Guo Chong of Jincheng thought Zhuge Liang's resourcefulness and heroic strategy surpassed Guan Zhong and Yan Ying, but commentators were misled by his unfinished achievement. He listed five little-known incidents. Liu Bao and the others could not answer him, and the King of Fufeng (Sima Jun) warmly approved. I, Pei Songzhi, welcome accounts of Zhuge Liang's unusual merits, but all Guo Chong's stories are doubtful. I respectfully challenge them in turn below. His First Incident says: Zhuge Liang's laws were harsh, oppressing the people, and both gentlemen and ordinary men complained. Fa Zheng remonstrated: “When Emperor Gaozu (Liu Bang) entered the passes, he reduced the law to three articles, and Qin's people appreciated his kindness. Now you exercise authority over a province and have just obtained it, but have not shown benevolent care. Moreover, guests and hosts should make concessions to each other. Relax punishments and prohibitions to comfort their expectations.” Zhuge Liang answered: “You know one side but not the other. Qin lacked the Way; government was cruel and the people resentful. When one common man cried out, the realm collapsed. Emperor Gaozu (Liu Bang) could use that to achieve great things. Liu Zhang was weak; since Liu Yan, successive generations had received favor. Law merely held things loosely together, and men accommodated one another. Benevolent government was not promoted, nor punishment made authoritative. Shu's influential men monopolized power and indulged themselves; the distinction between ruler and minister declined. Favor them with office, and at the highest rank they despise it; indulge them with kindness, and when it is exhausted they become insolent. That caused the abuses. I now awe them with law, so they recognize kindness when law is enforced; I limit rank, so they recognize honor when it is granted. Honor and kindness work together, and superior and subordinate have proper limits. Here lies the essential principle of government.” The Objection says: Fa Zheng died before Lord Liu (Liu Bei). If he remonstrated, Lord Liu (Liu Bei) was still alive. Zhuge Liang was an assisting minister, and authority belonged to the sovereign. During Lord Liu (Liu Bei)'s lifetime, Zhuge Liang did not yet govern Yi Province, and rewards and penal government did not issue from him. Guo Chong's reply gives Zhuge Liang sole credit, contrary to a minister's proper position. Given his humility and obedience, this was almost certainly not so. Moreover, the story calls his laws harsh and oppressive; good government is not praised as oppression. His Second Incident says: Duke Cao (Cao Cao) sent an assassin to Liu Bei. On gaining access, the visitor discussed attacking Wei in a way that suited Liu Bei's plans. He gradually sought closer access but had not found his opportunity when Zhuge Liang entered. The Wei visitor lost composure; Zhuge Liang observed him and recognized that he was no ordinary man. Shortly afterward, the visitor went to the privy. Liu Bei told Zhuge Liang: “I have just obtained an exceptional man who can assist you.” Asked where he was, Liu Bei said, “The man who just rose.” Zhuge Liang slowly sighed: “His changing expression and fearful spirit, lowered gaze and repeated agitation reveal treachery while concealing an evil mind. He must be Cao's assassin.” They pursued, but he had already escaped over the wall. The Objection says: Assassins are men who brave tigers and ford rivers, dying without regret. Liu Bei was discerning; if this visitor deceived him, he must have been exceptional. Saying he could assist Zhuge Liang placed him among Zhuge Liang's peers. Few such men become assassins, and their ruler would value their abilities rather than send them to certain death. Moreover, this man survived and should have attained distinction in Wei. Who was he? Why is he entirely unknown?

In spring of Zhangwu 3, the Former Lord (Liu Bei), gravely ill at Yong'an, summoned Zhuge Liang from Chengdu and entrusted him with the future. He said: “Your talent is ten times Cao Pi's. You can certainly secure the state and finally settle the great enterprise. If my heir can be assisted, assist him. If he lacks ability, you may take it yourself [君可自取; often understood as taking over the rulership, though the intended scope is disputed].” Weeping, Zhuge Liang replied: “I shall exhaust my strength in loyal assistance and uphold faithful integrity, continuing until death!” The Former Lord (Liu Bei) also instructed the Later Lord (Liu Shan) <the succeeding sovereign of Shu-Han; a historical designation> by edict: “Work with the Chancellor and serve him as a father.”

CommentarySun Sheng says: Only by upholding the Way and righteousness, with trustworthiness and obedience, can one assist a ruler and establish a great enterprise. It is said that a player who cannot decide on a move cannot defeat his opponent [the source's 釭 appears problematic]. How much less can one crush powerful neighbors and encompass the four seas while judging the ruler's ability and wavering in loyalty? What could be more disorderly than Liu Bei's charge to Zhuge Liang? Some say Liu Bei wished to affirm the sincerity of his trust and unite Shu's intentions. The gentleman says this is not so. If the entrusted man is loyal and worthy, such instruction is unnecessary; if not, one should not open a path to usurpation. Thus ancient final charges necessarily left sound admonitions. Deceptive words do not constitute entrusting an orphan. Fortunately, Liu Shan was weak but not suspicious or malicious, and Zhuge Liang's authority and strategy sufficed to restrain divergent ambitions, preventing dissension from arising. Otherwise, this could have produced suspicion and lawless conflict. To call it an expedient is surely mistaken.

In Jianxing 1, Zhuge Liang was enfeoffed as Marquis of Wuxiang and permitted to establish his own administrative office. Soon he also became Governor of Yi Province. All affairs, great and small, were decided by him. The southern commanderies rebelled together. Because the state had just suffered the great mourning, Zhuge Liang did not immediately send troops. He first sent an envoy to Wu and concluded an alliance, making it a friendly state.

CommentaryThe Collected Works of Zhuge Liang says: That year, Wei's Minister over the Masses Hua Xin, Minister of Works Wang Lang, Director of the Masters of Writing Chen Qun, Grand Astrologer Xu Zhi, and Supervisor of the Internuncios Zhuge Zhang each wrote to Zhuge Liang, discussing Heaven's Mandate and human affairs and urging the whole state to become a vassal. Zhuge Liang did not reply but wrote his Correct Discussion: “Xiang Yu rose without virtue. Though occupying the central lands and wielding imperial power, he finally met the cauldron [a figure for destruction in this argument], leaving an enduring warning. Wei has failed to learn and now follows him. It will be fortunate to escape with its life; the warning concerns its descendants. Yet you gentlemen, advanced in years, obey false commands and submit writings, like Chong and Song praising Wang Mang's achievements [names abbreviated in the source]. Are you driven by a great threat and merely seeking escape? “Formerly, Emperor Shizu (Liu Xiu) revived the old foundation, rousing a few thousand weary soldiers to destroy Wang Mang's powerful army of more than four hundred thousand outside Kunyang. Upholding the Way to punish excess does not depend on numbers. Mengde [Cao Cao], with his deceptive ability to win, brought several hundred thousand troops to rescue Zhang He at Yangping. When his position and plans failed, he barely escaped, disgraced his elite troops, and lost Hanzhong. Knowing deeply that the imperial vessel could not be seized recklessly, he turned back and, before completing his return, died from bitter distress. Zihuan [Cao Pi] continued in licentiousness and usurpation. Even if you gentlemen display the deceptive eloquence of Su Qin and Zhang Yi and offer Huan Dou's heaven-filling words, seeking to slander Emperor Tang (Yao) <the legendary sage ruler associated with Tang> and persuade Yu and Ji to desist, you will only waste literary ornament, brush, and ink. This is not what a great gentleman does. “Military admonitions say: ‘Ten thousand men resolved to die can range unhindered through the realm.’ Formerly Xuanyuan (the Yellow Emperor) <a legendary ancestral ruler> ordered several tens of thousands of soldiers and subdued the four quarters. How much more several hundred thousand men who hold the rightful Way and confront the guilty! Who could withstand them?” [Translator's note: These are the polemical claims of the quoted argument, including its characterization of Cao Cao's death.]

In spring of the third year, Zhuge Liang led a southern campaign—

—and pacified the whole region that autumn. It supplied military resources, making the state prosperous—

CommentaryThe Spring and Autumn Annals of Han and Jin says: In Nanzhong, Zhuge Liang won wherever he fought. Hearing that Meng Huo was respected by both non-Chinese and Han people, he sought to capture him alive. On obtaining him, he showed him the camps and formations and asked, “What do you think of this army?” Meng Huo replied: “Earlier I did not know its strengths and weaknesses, hence my defeat. Now that I have seen its arrangement, if this is all, it will certainly be easy to defeat.” Zhuge Liang laughed and released him to fight again. Seven times he released and captured him, yet still sent him away. Meng Huo refused to leave: “You possess Heaven's might. The southern people will not rebel again.” Zhuge Liang then reached Dianchi. Once Nanzhong was settled, he employed its own leaders. When someone remonstrated, he said: “If outsiders remain, troops must remain; if troops remain, there will be no food for them. That is the first difficulty. Moreover, the local people have just suffered defeat and lost fathers and brothers. Outsiders left without troops would certainly face disaster. That is the second difficulty. Again, the local people have repeatedly committed offenses in deposing and killing officials and feel their guilt is grave. If outsiders remain, mutual trust will never be established. That is the third difficulty. I wish to leave no troops and transport no grain, but establish a rough framework of government and reasonable peace between non-Chinese and Han people.”

—so he prepared weapons and trained the army for a great expedition. In the fifth year, he led the armies north to Hanzhong. Before departing, he submitted this memorial:

“The late emperor (Liu Bei) died midway, before his enterprise was half accomplished. Now the realm is divided in three, and Yi Province is exhausted. This is truly a critical time of survival or destruction. Yet the ministers attending the palace remain diligent within, and loyal men forget themselves abroad, remembering the late emperor (Liu Bei)'s exceptional kindness and wishing to repay it to Your Majesty. You should open Your hearing widely, illuminate the virtue he left, and strengthen the spirit of the devoted. Do not belittle Yourself or employ inappropriate comparisons, blocking loyal remonstrance. “Palace and government offices form one body. Promotion and punishment, approval and condemnation, should not differ between them. Those who commit offenses and those who act loyally and well should be referred to the responsible officials for judgment of punishment or reward, demonstrating Your impartial rule. There must be no favoritism that creates different laws within and without. Palace Attendants and Gentlemen Guo Youzhi, Fei Yi, Dong Yun, and the others are good, honest men of loyal and pure purpose. The late emperor (Liu Bei) selected them to leave to Your Majesty. I humbly believe all palace affairs, great or small, should be discussed with them before action. They will surely remedy omissions and bring broad benefit. “General Xiang Chong is good and fair in character and thoroughly understands military affairs. When tested previously, the late emperor (Liu Bei) called him capable; thus all recommended him as commander. I humbly believe all military affairs, great or small, should be discussed with him. He will surely harmonize the ranks and place men of differing ability appropriately. Drawing near worthy ministers and keeping petty men distant made Former Han flourish; drawing near petty men and distancing worthy ministers caused Later Han to decline. Whenever the late emperor (Liu Bei) discussed this with me, he sighed in grief and indignation over Emperors Huan (Liu Zhi) and Ling (Liu Hong) <rulers of the late Eastern Han>. The Palace Attendant, Master of Writing, Chief Clerk, and Military Adviser are all upright men prepared to die for their integrity. If Your Majesty trusts and draws near them, Han's revival can be counted in days. “I was originally a commoner, farming in Nanyang, seeking only to preserve my life in disorder, without aspiring to fame among the lords. The late emperor (Liu Bei) did not despise my humble station. He condescended to visit me three times in my thatched cottage and consulted me on contemporary affairs. Deeply moved, I pledged myself to his service. Later came disaster: I received responsibility amid a defeated army and accepted my charge in crisis. Twenty-one years have passed since then.”

“The late emperor (Liu Bei) knew my caution and, near death, entrusted me with great affairs. Since receiving the charge, I have worried and sighed day and night, fearing failure would injure his discernment. Thus in the fifth month I crossed the Lu River and penetrated barren lands.”

“Now the south is settled and our troops and equipment sufficient. I should encourage and lead the armies north to pacify the central plain, exhausting my poor ability to remove treacherous and violent men, restore the Han house, and return to the old capital. This is my duty in repaying the late emperor (Liu Bei) and serving Your Majesty loyally. “As for weighing policies' benefit and harm and offering complete and loyal advice, those are the responsibilities of Guo Youzhi, Fei Yi, and Dong Yun. Entrust me with the task of defeating the rebels and achieving restoration. If I fail, punish me to report to the late emperor (Liu Bei)'s spirit. [If no words promoting virtue are offered,] hold Guo Youzhi, Fei Yi, Dong Yun, and the others responsible for negligence and reveal their fault [the bracketed clause follows the supplied text's addition]. Your Majesty should also consider Your own course, consulting on good government, examining and accepting sound words, and deeply recalling the late emperor (Liu Bei)'s final instructions. I am overwhelmed by gratitude for the kindness I received. Now, about to depart far away, I weep before this memorial and know not what I say.”

He departed and encamped at Mianyang.

CommentaryGuo Chong's Third Incident says: Zhuge Liang camped at Yangping and sent Wei Yan and the other armies east, retaining only ten thousand men to guard the city. Emperor Xuan of Jin (Sima Yi) <a posthumous imperial designation conferred under Jin> led two hundred thousand against him, but passed Wei Yan's army on another road and came directly forward, about sixty li from Zhuge Liang. Scouts reported that Zhuge Liang was in the city with few, weak troops. Zhuge Liang knew Emperor Xuan (Sima Yi) was approaching. Wei Yan's army was too far away to join, and retracing his route would expose him to pursuit. The officers and soldiers turned pale and knew no plan. Zhuge Liang remained composed, ordered all banners lowered and drums silenced, and forbade men to leave their tents casually. He opened all four gates and had the ground swept and sprinkled. Emperor Xuan (Sima Yi), who always considered Zhuge Liang cautious, unexpectedly saw this weakness, suspected an ambush, and withdrew north toward the mountains. At mealtime next day, Zhuge Liang clapped and laughed with his staff: “Sima Yi must think I am timid and have a strong ambush. He has gone along the mountains!” Returning scouts confirmed it. Emperor Xuan (Sima Yi) later learned the truth and deeply regretted it. The Objection says: Yangping is in Hanzhong. When Zhuge Liang first camped there, Emperor Xuan (Sima Yi) was still commander in Jing Province, stationed at Wan. Only after Cao Zhen's death did he confront Zhuge Liang in Guanzhong. Wei once sent him from Wan through Xicheng against Shu, but prolonged rain prevented the expedition. Before or after this, there was no fighting at Yangping. Even accepting Guo Chong's story, if Emperor Xuan (Sima Yi) had two hundred thousand men and knew Zhuge Liang's weakness, suspicion of an ambush called merely for precautions and caution. Why flee immediately? The Biography of Wei Yan says: “Whenever accompanying Zhuge Liang, Wei Yan requested ten thousand elite troops to take a separate route and meet at Tong Pass. Zhuge Liang refused, and Wei Yan called him timid and regretted that his talents were not fully used.” Zhuge Liang would not even entrust Wei Yan with a separate ten-thousand-man command. How could he suddenly place a large army ahead under him and retain weak forces himself? Moreover, Guo Chong was speaking to the King of Fufeng (Sima Jun). Publicly exposing Emperor Xuan (Sima Yi)'s shortcomings to his son would have been improper. Yet the account claims the king (Sima Jun) warmly approved. Thus its cited stories are false.

In spring of the sixth year, Zhuge Liang announced an advance by Xie Valley toward Mei, sending Zhao Yun and Deng Zhi as a diversionary force to hold Ji Valley. Wei's General-in-Chief Cao Zhen brought troops against them. Zhuge Liang personally led the armies against Mount Qi. His formations were orderly, rewards and punishments strict, and commands clear. Nan'an, Tianshui, and Anding rebelled against Wei in response, shaking Guanzhong.

Emperor Ming of Wei (Cao Rui) <Bright Emperor; a posthumous imperial title> went west to Chang'an and ordered Zhang He against Zhuge Liang. Zhuge Liang placed Ma Su in command of the forward armies to fight Zhang He at Jieting. Ma Su disobeyed his directions and acted improperly, suffering a great defeat. Zhuge Liang removed more than a thousand households from Xi County and returned to Hanzhong—

CommentaryGuo Chong's Fourth Incident says: When Zhuge Liang advanced to Mount Qi, Longxi and Nan'an immediately surrendered. He besieged Tianshui, took Ji City, captured Jiang Wei, and brought several thousand men and women back to Shu. Everyone congratulated him, but he looked sorrowful and said: “All under Heaven are Han's people. Our state's authority has not yet prevailed, leaving the people in the jaws of wolves. Every man's death is my fault. How can I not feel ashamed at congratulations?” Shu's people then understood that his ambition was to absorb Wei, not merely expand the borders. The Objection says: Zhuge Liang had long intended to absorb Wei; people did not first learn it here. Moreover, the expedition achieved nothing, and many returned wounded or depleted. Three commanderies surrendered, but he could not hold them. Jiang Wei was merely a man of Tianshui: what loss did his capture cause Wei? Removing a thousand households from Xi County did not make up for Jieting's losses. What achievement justified congratulations?

—and executed Ma Su to answer to the army. He memorialized: “With weak ability I have presumptuously occupied an unsuitable position, personally holding the command banner and execution axe to direct the armies. I failed to clarify instructions and laws or approach affairs with proper fear. The disobedience at Jieting and lack of caution in Ji Valley arose from my improper appointments. I lacked the discernment to know men and was often benighted in attending to affairs. The Spring and Autumn Annals holds the commander responsible; that responsibility is mine. I request demotion by three grades to acknowledge my fault.” Zhuge Liang was accordingly made General of the Right while acting as Chancellor, with his previous authority unchanged.

CommentaryThe Spring and Autumn Annals of Han and Jin says: Some urged Zhuge Liang to mobilize more troops. He replied: “At Mount Qi and Ji Valley, our armies both outnumbered the enemy, yet we failed to defeat them and were defeated ourselves. The trouble lay not in too few soldiers, but in one man. I now wish to reduce troops and commanders, clarify punishments, reflect on faults, and examine how to adapt in future. Otherwise, what use are more men? Henceforth, all who think loyally of the state should diligently attack my deficiencies. Then affairs can be settled, the enemy destroyed, and achievement awaited with ease.” He examined even small services, distinguished the brave, blamed himself, proclaimed his errors to the realm, and trained the troops for future plans. The soldiers became disciplined, and the people forgot the defeat. Hearing that Sun Quan had defeated Cao Xiu and Wei's troops had moved east, leaving Guanzhong weak, he submitted the following in the eleventh month:

Commentary“The late emperor (Liu Bei) considered that Han and the rebels could not coexist, nor could the royal enterprise rest content with a partial realm. He therefore entrusted me with attacking them. With his discernment, he knew my ability was weak and the enemy strong. Yet without an attack, the royal enterprise would also perish. Better to attack than sit awaiting destruction: therefore he trusted me without hesitation. From the day I received the charge, I could not rest or relish food. Considering a northern expedition, I judged that the south must first be entered. Thus in the fifth month I crossed the Lu and penetrated barren lands, eating only every other day. It was not that I did not value my life, but the royal enterprise could not be preserved merely in Shu's capital. I therefore braved danger to fulfill the late emperor (Liu Bei)'s intention, though critics called it mistaken. “Now the enemy has just been exhausted in the west and is occupied in the east. Military principles call for exploiting weariness; this is the time to advance. I respectfully present the considerations below. “Emperor Gao (Liu Bang) <High Emperor; the founder of Han> was brilliant as sun and moon and had profound counselors, yet passed through danger and wounds before attaining security. Now Your Majesty does not equal Emperor Gao (Liu Bang), nor do Your counselors equal Zhang Liang and Chen Ping. Yet You would win through prolonged planning and settle the realm while seated. This is the first thing I cannot understand. “Liu Yao and Wang Lang each held provinces or commanderies. Discussing safety and plans, they constantly cited sages, their bellies full of doubts and breasts blocked by difficulties. They would not fight this year or campaign the next, allowing Sun Ce to grow strong and absorb the lands east of the Yangzi. This is the second thing I cannot understand. “Cao Cao's intelligence and plans far exceeded others, and his warfare resembled Sun Wu's and Wu Qi's. Yet he was distressed at Nanyang, endangered at Wuchao and Qilian, pressed at Liyang, nearly defeated at the northern mountain, and almost killed at Tong Pass before establishing his false rule for a time. How could someone of my inferior ability settle matters without danger? This is the third thing I cannot understand. “Cao Cao attacked Chang Ba five times without success and crossed Lake Chao four times without achievement. He employed Li Fu, who plotted against him, and entrusted Xiahou Yuan, who was defeated and killed. The late emperor (Liu Bei) always called Cao Cao capable, yet he suffered these failures. How could I, slow and inferior, always win? This is the fourth thing I cannot understand. “Only about a year has passed since I reached Hanzhong, yet we have lost Zhao Yun, Yang Qun, Ma Yu, Yan Zhi, Ding Li, Bai Shou, Liu He, Deng Tong, and more than seventy unit chiefs and camp commanders, together with more than a thousand assault troops and unrivaled fighters, Cong and Sou men, Qing Qiang light cavalry, and martial cavalry [the source's grouping is uncertain]. These were elites gathered from all quarters over decades, not the resources of one province alone. In a few more years, two-thirds will be lost. With what shall we confront the enemy? This is the fifth thing I cannot understand. “Now the people are poor and the troops exhausted, yet affairs cannot cease. If they cannot cease, the labor and expense of remaining and advancing are the same. Rather than act now, You would sustain a long contest against the enemy with one province's territory. This is the sixth thing I cannot understand. “Affairs are difficult to settle. Formerly, when the late emperor (Liu Bei) was defeated in Chu, Cao Cao clapped his hands and thought the realm settled. Yet the late emperor (Liu Bei) allied eastward with Wu and Yue, took Ba and Shu in the west, and campaigned north, where Xiahou Yuan lost his head. Cao Cao's calculation failed and Han's enterprise approached success. Then Wu broke the alliance, Guan Yu was destroyed, Zigui brought a reverse, and Cao Pi proclaimed himself emperor. Events are like this: difficult to foresee. I shall bend myself to exert every effort, stopping only at death. As for success or failure, advantage or adversity, my understanding cannot foresee them.”

In winter, Zhuge Liang again advanced through San Pass and besieged Chencang. Cao Zhen resisted; Zhuge Liang exhausted his provisions and withdrew. Wei's General Wang Shuang pursued with cavalry, but Zhuge Liang fought, defeated, and killed him. In the seventh year, Zhuge Liang sent Chen Shi against Wudu and Yinping. Inspector of Yong Province Guo Huai led troops to attack Chen Shi, but Zhuge Liang advanced to Jianwei, and Guo Huai withdrew. The two commanderies were pacified. An imperial document said: “At Jieting the fault was Ma Su's, yet you took responsibility and deeply humbled yourself. Reluctant to oppose your intention, I permitted your chosen course. In the preceding year, you displayed the army and beheaded Wang Shuang; this year, Guo Huai fled at your advance. You gathered the Di and Qiang and recovered two commanderies. Your authority overawes the violent, and your achievement is clear. Now the realm is disturbed and the chief villain remains unexecuted. You bear great responsibility and the state's weight. Continuing to diminish yourself does not proclaim your great achievements. I restore you as Chancellor. Do not decline.”

CommentaryThe Spring and Autumn Annals of Han and Jin says: That year, Sun Quan assumed the imperial title, and his ministers announced that the two emperors should be honored equally. The deliberators thought the alliance useless and its legitimacy improper; they proposed proclaiming righteousness and ending friendly relations. Zhuge Liang said: “Sun Quan has long harbored usurping intentions. We overlooked his offense to obtain mutually supporting assistance. If we openly break with him, his enmity will deepen. We must then shift troops east and contend with him, absorbing his territory before considering the central plain. He still has many capable men, and generals and ministers are united: he cannot be settled in a day. Keeping armies confronting him until they grow old would serve the northern enemy. It is no superior plan. Formerly Emperor Xiaowen (Liu Heng) <Filial and Civil Emperor of Han> used humble words toward the Xiongnu, and the late emperor (Liu Bei) generously allied with Wu. Both adapted to circumstances for distant benefit, beyond an ordinary man's conduct. “Critics say Sun Quan benefits from a three-way balance and cannot join forces, and that his ambition is satisfied so he has no intention of advancing onto land. These arguments appear right but are wrong. Because the sides' strength differs, he defends behind the Yangzi. His inability to cross it is like the Wei enemy's inability to cross the Han: it does not mean he has strength to spare but refuses advantage. If our great army attacks Wei, at best he will partition its territory for future plans; at least he will take people and enlarge his borders, displaying martial power at home. He will not merely sit still. Even if he does remain inactive but friendly, our northern expedition will have no eastern concern, and the troops south of the Yellow River cannot all move west. That benefit is already profound. Sun Quan's usurpation should not yet be openly condemned.” He sent Minister of the Guards Chen Zhen to congratulate Sun Quan on formally assuming the title.

In the ninth year, Zhuge Liang again advanced to Mount Qi, transporting provisions with wooden oxen—

CommentaryThe Spring and Autumn Annals of Han and Jin says: Zhuge Liang besieged Mount Qi and summoned the Xianbei chief Kebineng, who came with the others as far as Shicheng in former Beidi to support him. Wei's Grand Marshal Cao Zhen was ill. King Xuan (Sima Yi) <a posthumous royal designation; later honored as an emperor under Jin> came from Jing Province to court. Emperor Ming of Wei (Cao Rui) said: “The western affairs are important. No one but you can be entrusted with them.” He sent him west to Chang'an to supervise Zhang He, Fei Yao, Dai Ling, Guo Huai, and the others. King Xuan (Sima Yi) left Fei Yao and Dai Ling with four thousand elite troops at Shanggui and brought the rest west to relieve Mount Qi. Zhang He wished to detach troops to Yong and Mei. King Xuan (Sima Yi) said: “If the forward army can hold alone, your advice is right. If not, dividing into front and rear is how Chu's three armies were captured by Qing Bu.” He advanced. Zhuge Liang left part of his army to continue the siege and personally went to meet King Xuan (Sima Yi) at Shanggui. Guo Huai, Fei Yao, and the others intercepted him, but Zhuge Liang defeated them and harvested their wheat extensively. Meeting King Xuan (Sima Yi) east of Shanggui, he gathered his troops on defensible ground, and the armies did not engage. Zhuge Liang withdrew, and King Xuan (Sima Yi) followed to Lucheng. Zhang He said: “He has come far to meet us but cannot obtain battle. He thinks our advantage lies in refusing battle and seeks to control us through a long plan. The defenders of Mount Qi know the great army is nearby and are naturally secure. We can remain here, detaching surprise forces to threaten his rear. We should not advance without daring to press him and lose public confidence by inaction. His distant army lacks food and will soon leave.” King Xuan (Sima Yi) refused and continued following. On arrival, he climbed a mountain and dug defenses, still refusing battle. Jia Xu [賈栩, distinct from 賈詡] and Wei Ping repeatedly requested battle: “You fear Shu like a tiger. What of the realm's laughter?” King Xuan (Sima Yi) was troubled. All the generals asked to fight. On xinsi in the fifth month, he sent Zhang He against He Ping [Wang Ping], Supervisor of the Wudang troops, at the southern encampment, while he took the central route toward Zhuge Liang. Zhuge Liang sent Wei Yan, Gao Xiang, and Wu Ban to resist. They inflicted a great defeat, taking three thousand armored heads, five thousand suits of dark armor, and thirty-one hundred horn-reinforced crossbows. King Xuan (Sima Yi) withdrew to defend his camp.

—and withdrew when provisions ran out. Fighting Wei's General Zhang He, his army shot him dead.

CommentaryGuo Chong's Fifth Incident says: Emperor Ming of Wei (Cao Rui) personally campaigned against Shu and came to Chang'an. He sent Emperor Xuan (Sima Yi) to supervise Zhang He and more than three hundred thousand elite troops of Yong and Liang, advancing secretly toward Jiange. Zhuge Liang was then at Mount Qi with banners and sharp weapons, guarding strategic positions. One rotation of twelve was due to go home, leaving eighty thousand men [十二更下; the exact rotation wording is uncertain]. As Wei's forces formed and the armies began to engage, the staff thought the strong enemy required every effort and proposed delaying the departing troops for a month to augment strength and appearance. Zhuge Liang said: “Great trust is the foundation of my command. The ancients regretted achieving a wish at the cost of faith. Those leaving have packed for their date; wives and children count the days in expectation. Even in danger, righteousness cannot be abandoned.” He urged them to depart. Grateful, they volunteered to remain for a battle; those staying were fiercely eager to die for him. They said, “Even death cannot repay Lord Zhuge (Zhuge Liang)'s kindness!” In battle, all drew blades and competed to advance, each matching ten, killing Zhang He and driving back Emperor Xuan (Sima Yi) in one great victory. This arose from trustworthiness. The Objection says: I, Pei Songzhi, observe that Emperor Ming of Wei (Cao Rui) came personally to Chang'an during Zhuge Liang's earlier advance to Mount Qi, but did not return that year. With Zhuge Liang's great army in Guanzhong and Longyou, how could Wei bypass it directly for Jiange? Zhuge Liang was on campaign with no plan for a prolonged stay; the claim that he was simultaneously sending soldiers home to Shu is unreasonable. Sun Sheng and Xi Zuochi sought out differing accounts without omission, yet neither recorded Guo Chong's words. This shows their many contradictions.

In spring of the twelfth year, Zhuge Liang brought his main army out through Xie Valley, using flowing horses for transport. He occupied Wuzhang Plain in Wugong and confronted King Xuan (Sima Yi) south of the Wei. Repeatedly troubled by supplies failing and thwarting his ambition, Zhuge Liang divided his troops to farm as the basis of a long stay. The cultivators mingled with inhabitants along the Wei, who remained secure; the army appropriated nothing privately.

CommentaryThe Spring and Autumn Annals of Han and Jin says: After arriving, Zhuge Liang repeatedly challenged battle. King Xuan (Sima Yi) repeatedly memorialized to request permission to fight, but Minister of the Guards Xin Pi was sent with credentials to restrain him. Jiang Wei told Zhuge Liang: “Xin Zuozhi [Xin Pi] has arrived with credentials. The enemy will not come out again.” Zhuge Liang answered: “He never intended to fight. His insistent requests merely show martial spirit to his men. A general in the field may refuse some sovereign commands. If he could overcome me, why seek permission a thousand li away?” The Spring and Autumn Annals of the Wei House says: When Zhuge Liang's envoy arrived, King Xuan (Sima Yi) asked about his sleeping, eating, and workload, not military affairs. The envoy answered: “Lord Zhuge (Zhuge Liang) rises early and sleeps late. He personally reviews punishments of twenty strokes or more and eats less than a few sheng.” King Xuan (Sima Yi) said, “Zhuge Liang will die.”

They confronted each other for more than a hundred days. In the eighth month that year, Zhuge Liang fell ill and died in the army, aged fifty-four.

CommentaryThe Book of Wei says: Zhuge Liang exhausted his provisions and options. Distressed and angry, he vomited blood, burned his camp one night, and fled. Entering the valley, he became ill on the road and died. The Spring and Autumn Annals of Han and Jin says: He died at the Gu family's fortified settlement. The Spring and Autumn Annals of Jin says: A red star with rays traveled from northeast to southwest and fell toward Zhuge Liang's camp, descending three times and returning twice, large as it went and small as it returned. Soon Zhuge Liang died. I, Pei Songzhi, consider that when Zhuge Liang was by the Wei and Wei's men followed his movements, victory and defeat remained uncertain. The claim of vomiting blood was probably Wei's boast prompted by his death. With Kongming's [Zhuge Liang's] strategy, how could Zhongda [Sima Yi] have made him vomit blood? Later, when Liu Kun lost his army, his letter to Emperor Yuan of Jin (Sima Rui) <Primal Emperor; the first Eastern Jin emperor> likewise said, “Zhuge Liang's army was defeated and he vomited blood.” This was using a false account. The claim that he died after entering the valley arose because Shu announced the death only after entering it.

After the army withdrew, King Xuan (Sima Yi) inspected its camps and fortifications and said, “An extraordinary talent of the realm!”

Zhuge Liang instructed that he be buried at Mount Dingjun in Hanzhong, using the mountain as his mound. The grave should only hold the coffin; he should be dressed in the clothing of the season, with no burial objects. An imperial document said:

“You possessed civil and military ability, clear intelligence and devoted sincerity. Receiving the late sovereign's charge to assist his orphan, you supported my person, continued the interrupted line, revived decline, and resolved to quell disorder. You ordered the armies and campaigned every year; your brilliant martial power shook the eight directions. You were about to establish exceptional achievement for latter-day Han and match the great service of Yi Yin and the Duke of Zhou (Ji Dan) <a founding statesman and regent of Zhou>. Alas, why did misfortune strike? With success approaching, illness brought your death. I grieve as though heart and liver were torn. Honoring virtue, recording achievement, and bestowing a posthumous name illuminate posterity and preserve imperishable memory. I now send Left General of the Gentlemen of the Household Du Qiong with credentials to present you the seal and ribbon of Chancellor and Marquis of Wuxiang, and designate you Marquis Zhongwu (Zhuge Liang) <Loyal and Martial Marquis>. If your soul has awareness, receive this honor with favor. Alas, how grievous! Alas, how grievous!”

Earlier, Zhuge Liang memorialized the Later Lord (Liu Shan): “At Chengdu I have eight hundred mulberry trees and fifteen qing of poor fields, more than sufficient to clothe and feed my children and younger family members. As for my service abroad, I maintain no separate arrangements; my clothing and food depend entirely on the government. I conduct no private business to increase my property in the slightest. When I die, I shall leave neither surplus silk within nor excess wealth without, betraying Your Majesty.” At his death, matters were as he had said.

Zhuge Liang excelled in ingenious design. His improvements to the repeating crossbow and the wooden oxen and flowing horses all arose from his ideas. He developed military principles into a Diagram of Eight Formations, said to grasp their essentials.

CommentaryThe Spring and Autumn Annals of the Wei House says: Zhuge Liang composed Eight Duties, Seven Admonitions, Six Apprehensions, and Five Fears, each organized into sections to instruct and encourage subjects. He also improved the repeating crossbow, calling it Yuanrong. Its iron bolts were eight cun long, and one crossbow discharged ten bolts together. His Collected Works records the construction of wooden oxen and flowing horses: “The wooden ox has a square belly, curved head, one leg and four feet. The head enters the collar, and the tongue attaches to the belly. It carries much but travels little, suitable for large-scale use rather than small errands. Traveling singly it goes several tens of li; traveling in groups, twenty li. The curved piece is the ox's head; the paired pieces are its legs; the transverse piece is its collar; the turning pieces are its feet; the covering is its back; the square part is its belly; the hanging piece is its tongue; the curved side pieces are its ribs; the notched pieces are its teeth; the upright pieces are its horns; the slender piece is its yoke strap; the holding piece is its rear harness axle [攝、鞦軸; technical interpretation uncertain]. The ox raises its two shafts. While a man walks six chi, the ox takes four steps. It carries a year's provisions, travels twenty li daily, and does not greatly tire the man. “The dimensions of the flowing horse are as follows. The side ribs are three chi five cun long, three cun wide, and two cun two fen thick, identical on left and right. The marked position of the front axle hole is four cun from the head, with an internal diameter of two cun. The front leg hole is marked at two cun, four cun five fen from the front axle hole, and is one cun wide. The front crossbar hole is two cun seven fen from the mark of the front leg hole, two cun long, and one cun wide. The rear axle hole is one chi five fen from the front crossbar, and has the same dimensions as the front axle hole. The rear leg hole is marked three cun five fen from the rear axle hole and has the same dimensions as the front leg hole. The rear crossbar hole is two cun seven fen from the rear leg hole mark. The rear loading notch is four cun five fen from the rear crossbar hole mark. “The front crossbar is one chi eight cun long, two cun wide, and one cun five fen thick. The rear crossbar is the same [the following wording 與等版 is uncertain]. There are two square plank receptacles, with boards eight fen thick, two chi seven cun long, one chi six cun five fen high, and one chi six cun wide. Each holds two hu three dou of rice. The upper crossbar hole is seven cun from the lower edge of the rib, the same at front and rear. The upper crossbar hole is one chi three cun from the lower crossbar hole mark; the holes are one cun five fen long and seven fen wide, all eight identical. The four legs, front and rear, are two cun wide and one cun five fen thick. The form is as in the image [如象; whether this refers to a diagram or a likeness requires review]. The jian component (靬) is four cun long, with an end diameter of four cun three fen. The bore is three [孔徑中三; unit or division uncertain]. The leg crossbar is two chi one cun long, one cun five fen wide, and one cun four fen thick, with matching crossbar lugs.” [Translator's note: These are historical technical descriptions, not a verified modern reconstruction. Leg/foot terminology, marking references, and several damaged-looking phrases remain uncertain. Source units and numerical values are retained without modern conversion.]

Many of Zhuge Liang's statements, instructions, letters, and memorials are worth reading and were separately assembled into a collection.

In spring of Jingyao 6, an edict ordered a temple established for Zhuge Liang at Mianyang.

CommentaryThe Record of Xiangyang says: When Zhuge Liang first died, communities everywhere requested temples for him. The court refused on grounds of ritual rank, so the people privately sacrificed along roads and paths at seasonal observances. Some proposed allowing a temple at Chengdu, but the Later Lord (Liu Shan) refused. Colonel of Infantry Xi Long, Palace Secretariat Gentleman Xiang Chong, and the others jointly memorialized: “We have heard that the people of Zhou cherished the virtue of the Earl of Shao (Ji Shi) <Shao Bo; a founding statesman of Zhou> and therefore would not cut down his sweet pear tree. The King of Yue (Goujian) remembered Fan Li's achievements and cast his likeness in metal. Since Han arose, many men of minor merit have received portraits and temples. How much more Zhuge Liang, whose virtue modeled conduct near and far and whose achievement surpassed the age! The royal house's preservation depended upon him. Yet seasonal offerings remain confined to private homes, no temple or image stands, and people sacrifice in lanes while frontier peoples worship in the fields. This does not preserve virtue, remember achievement, or honor the past. “To follow every popular wish would profane ritual without standards, while a capital temple would stand too close in dignity to the ancestral temples. Hence Your Majesty's hesitation. We humbly propose establishing it at Mianyang near his tomb. Allow his relatives seasonal sacrifices; all his former subjects and officials wishing to worship must do so at the temple. End private sacrifices and honor proper ritual.” The proposal was then first accepted.

In autumn, Wei's General Who Guards the West Zhong Hui invaded Shu. Reaching Hanchuan, he sacrificed at Zhuge Liang's temple and forbade soldiers to pasture animals or gather firewood around his tomb. Zhuge Liang's younger brother Zhuge Jun rose to Colonel of the Changshui Cavalry. His son Zhuge Zhan inherited his rank.

Contents of the Collected Works of Zhuge Liang

1. Establishing an Office and Serving as Governor; 2. Expedient Institutions; 3. The Southern Campaign.

4. Northern Expeditions; 5. Calculations and Planning; 6. Instruction and Encouragement.

7. Comprehensive Examination, Part One; 8. Comprehensive Examination, Part Two; 9. Miscellaneous Sayings, Part One.

10. Miscellaneous Sayings; 11. Valuing Harmony; 12. Essentials of Warfare.

13. Transport and Supply; 14. Letters to Sun Quan; 15. Letters to Zhuge Jin [諸葛謹 in this heading, rather than 瑾].

16. Letters to Meng Da; 17. Dismissal of Li Ping; 18. Legal Standards, Part One.

19. Legal Standards, Part Two; 20. Regulations and Orders, Part One; 21. Regulations and Orders, Part Two.

22. Military Orders, Part One; 23. Military Orders, Part Two; 24. Military Orders, Part Three.

The above twenty-four sections contain 104,112 characters in all.

Your servants, Chen Shou and the others, state: When I formerly served as Editorial Gentleman, Palace Attendant and concurrent Director of the Palace Secretariat, Marquis of Jibei (Xun Xu), and Supervisor of the Palace Secretariat, Marquis Within the Passes (He Qiao), memorialized that I should arrange the surviving records of the late Shu Chancellor Zhuge Liang. Though Zhuge Liang supported an endangered state and relied on its barriers to refuse submission, his words are still preserved, lest any merit be lost. This indeed shows Great Jin's luminous and supreme virtue, whose beneficence has no bounds, unparalleled since antiquity. I have removed repetitions and grouped matters by category into twenty-four sections, whose titles appear above.

In youth, Zhuge Liang possessed exceptional talent and the capacity of a great leader. Eight chi tall and imposing in appearance, he was regarded as extraordinary. During Han's final disorders, he followed his uncle Zhuge Xuan to refuge in Jing Province, farmed in the countryside, and sought no fame. General of the Left Liu Bei, recognizing his exceptional capacity, visited him three times in his thatched cottage. Zhuge Liang deeply admired Liu Bei's outstanding heroic bearing and opened his heart in sincere friendship. When Emperor Wu of Wei (Cao Cao) <Martial Emperor; Cao Cao's posthumous imperial title> attacked Jing Province, Liu Cong surrendered the whole province. Liu Bei, deprived of position and short of men, had nowhere to stand. Zhuge Liang was twenty-seven. He devised an exceptional plan and personally went as envoy to Sun Quan for help from Wu and Kuaiji. Sun Quan had long admired Liu Bei and, seeing Zhuge Liang's exceptional elegance, respected him greatly. He sent thirty thousand troops to assist. Liu Bei was thus able to fight Emperor Wu (Cao Cao), defeat his army decisively, and exploit victory to pacify all lands south of the Yangzi. Later, Liu Bei took Yi Province in the west. After its settlement, Zhuge Liang became General as Military Adviser. When Liu Bei assumed the imperial title, he appointed Zhuge Liang Chancellor and Supervisor of the Affairs of the Masters of Writing. After Liu Bei died, his heir was young and weak, and Zhuge Liang handled every affair. He allied externally with Eastern Wu, pacified the southern peoples internally, established laws and measures, ordered the armies, and brought weapons and mechanical craftsmanship to the utmost refinement. Regulations and instruction were strict and clear, rewards and punishments trustworthy. No wrongdoing escaped punishment and no good went unrecognized. Officials could not conceal corruption, people strove to improve, lost property lay untouched on the roads, the strong did not oppress the weak, and public conduct was solemn and ordered.

At this time, Zhuge Liang's settled ambition was, advancing, to rise like a dragon and survey like a tiger, encompassing the four seas; failing that, to overrun frontier lands and shake the realm. He also believed that after his death no one would be able to enter the central plain and contend with the great northern state. Thus he did not cease campaigning and repeatedly displayed his arms. Yet his talent lay in organizing armies rather than extraordinary strategy; his skill in governing people exceeded his generalship. His opponents sometimes included outstanding men, while numbers were unequal and the conditions of attack and defense differed. Hence, though he mobilized men for successive years, he achieved no decisive conquest. Formerly Xiao He recommended Han Xin, and Guan Zhong advanced Wangzi Chengfu, because they measured their own strengths and knew they could not possess every ability. Zhuge Liang's administrative talent matched Guan Zhong and Xiao He, but no contemporary commander equaled Wangzi Chengfu or Han Xin. Was this why achievement declined and the great purpose remained unfulfilled? Perhaps Heaven's Mandate had its destination and could not be contested through wisdom and strength.

In spring of Qinglong 2, Zhuge Liang led troops to Wugong and divided them for military farming as the foundation of a long stay. He died of illness that autumn. The common people remembered him and constantly spoke of him. Even now, the words of Liang and Yi's people praising him remain in one's ears. Zhou's song of the sweet pear tree for the Duke of Shao (Ji Shi) <a founding statesman of Zhou> and Zheng's songs of Zichan [Gongsun Qiao] offer no remote comparison. Meng Ke [Mencius] said: “Employ the people in a way that brings them ease, and though they labor, they do not resent it; kill them in a way that preserves life, and though they die, they do not resent it.” How true! Some critics find Zhuge Liang's prose insufficiently ornate and excessively painstaking and comprehensive. I humbly consider that Gao Yao was a great worthy and the Duke of Zhou (Ji Dan) a sage. In the Documents, Gao Yao's counsels are brief and refined, while the Duke of Zhou (Ji Dan)'s proclamations are lengthy and detailed. Why? Gao Yao conversed with Shun and Yu; the Duke of Zhou (Ji Dan) made declarations to subordinates. Zhuge Liang spoke entirely to ordinary men, so his writing could not pursue remote implications. Yet his surviving teaching and words deal comprehensively with affairs. His impartial sincerity appears in his writing, revealing his intentions and principles and benefiting the age.

I humbly reflect that Your Majesty surpasses the ancient sages in magnanimity, harboring no prohibitions. Even the slanders of an enemy state are presented fully, without alteration or concealment, revealing the Way of great openness. I respectfully submit a copy to the editorial office. Your servant Chen Shou, in fear and trembling, bows his head repeatedly and acknowledges the capital offense of presumption. Submitted by your servant Chen Shou, Chancellor to the Marquis of Pingyang, on guisi, the first day of the second month of Taishi 10.

Zhuge Qiao, courtesy name Bosong, was the second son of Zhuge Liang's elder brother Zhuge Jin. Originally his courtesy name was Zhongshen. He and his elder brother Yuanxun [Zhuge Ke] were famous at the time. Commentators thought Zhuge Qiao less talented than his brother but superior in character and conduct. Initially, Zhuge Liang had no son and requested Zhuge Qiao as heir. Zhuge Jin asked Sun Quan to send him west. Zhuge Liang treated him as his own legitimate son and therefore changed his courtesy name. Appointed Commandant of Attendant Horses, he accompanied Zhuge Liang to Hanzhong.

Zhuge Qiao died aged twenty-five in Jianxing 6 [the source replaces “first” with “sixth”]. His son Zhuge Pan rose to acting Protector of the Army and General Who Assists Martial Achievement, but also died early. After Zhuge Ke was executed in Wu and his descendants all destroyed, Zhuge Liang had descendants of his own, so Zhuge Pan returned to continue Zhuge Jin's line.

Zhuge Zhan, courtesy name Siyuan, was Zhuge Liang's son. In Jianxing 12, campaigning at Wugong, Zhuge Liang wrote to Zhuge Jin: “Zhuge Zhan is now eight, intelligent and lovable. I worry that he matures too early and may not become a man of weight.” At seventeen, he married a princess and became Cavalry Commandant. Next year he became General of the Gentlemen of the Household of the Feathered Forest, then successively Colonel of Archers Who Shoot by Sound, Palace Attendant, and Supervisor of the Masters of Writing, with the additional title General as Military Adviser. He was skilled in calligraphy and painting and had a strong memory. Shu's people, remembering Zhuge Liang, loved his talent and quickness. Whenever the court introduced a good policy, even one not proposed by Zhuge Zhan, people told one another, “This is Marquis Zhuge (Zhuge Zhan)'s doing.” Thus his reputation exceeded the facts. In Jingyao 4, he became acting Protector-General and General of the Guards, sharing supervision of the Affairs of the Masters of Writing with General-in-Chief Who Assists the State and Marquis of Nanxiang (Dong Jue). In winter of the sixth year, Wei's General Who Conquers the West Deng Ai invaded Shu, entering by a side route from Yinping through Jing Valley. Zhuge Zhan led the armies to Fu and halted. His vanguard was defeated; he withdrew to Mianzhu. Deng Ai wrote to entice him: “If you surrender, I shall certainly memorialize to make you King of Langye (Zhuge Zhan).” Angry, Zhuge Zhan beheaded the envoy. He fought, suffered a great defeat, and died in battle aged thirty-seven. His men dispersed, and Deng Ai advanced directly to Chengdu. Zhuge Zhan's eldest son Zhuge Shang died with him.

Zhuge Zhan's second son Zhuge Jing, Zhuge Pan's son Zhuge Xian, and the others were moved inland to Hedong in Xianxi 1.

CommentaryThe Genealogy of the Zhuge Clan says: Zhuge Jing's courtesy name was Xingzong. The Daily Records of Jin's Taishi Reign records an edict: “In Shu, Zhuge Liang exhausted his mind and strength. His son Zhuge Zhan faced danger and died for righteousness. Goodness is one throughout the realm.” His grandson Zhuge Jing was to be appointed according to ability and later became Magistrate of Mei. Supervisor of the Masters of Writing Shan Tao's Submissions says: “Magistrate of Mei Zhuge Jing's grandfather Zhuge Liang encountered Han's disorder and division. Father and son served in Shu. Though they failed to understand Heaven's Mandate, they devoted themselves fully to their lord. Zhuge Jing's government of Mei has also earned praise. I propose appointing him Attendant to the Eastern Palace to illuminate the principle of serving others and answer opinion in Liang and Yi.” Zhuge Jing rose to Inspector of Jiang Province.

Dong Jue served as an office clerk under Chancellor Zhuge Liang, who said: “Clerk Dong is a good man. Whenever I speak with him, his thoughts are cautious and appropriate.” He was transferred to Chief Clerk of Records. After Zhuge Liang's death, he gradually rose to Supervisor of the Masters of Writing, replaced Chen Zhi as Director, and became General-in-Chief supervising the central administration. Fan Jian of Yiyang replaced him.

In Yanxi 14 [the supplied text inserts a parenthetical 二 before 十四], Fan Jian went to Wu as a Colonel and envoy. Sun Quan was gravely ill and did not receive him personally. Sun Quan asked Zhuge Ke, “How does Fan Jian compare with Zong Yu?” Zhuge Ke replied, “Inferior in talent and knowledge, but superior in refined character.” Fan Jian later became Palace Attendant and acting Supervisor of the Palace Secretariat. After Zhuge Zhan, Dong Jue, and Fan Jian took charge, Jiang Wei was constantly campaigning abroad. The eunuch Huang Hao secretly manipulated power, and they all accommodated and protected one another without correcting matters—

—although Fan Jian alone did not maintain friendly relations with Huang Hao. In spring of the year after Shu's fall, Dong Jue and Fan Jian both went to the capital and became Military Advisers to the Chancellor of State. That autumn, both additionally served as acting Cavalier Attendants-in-Ordinary and were sent to Shu to offer comfort.

CommentaryThe Spring and Autumn Annals of Han and Jin says: While Fan Jian was a Gentleman Who Attends Affairs, Emperor Wu of Jin (Sima Yan) <Martial Emperor; the founding emperor of Jin> asked about Zhuge Liang's government. Fan Jian answered: “On hearing of wrongdoing, he invariably corrected it and did not conceal faults. His trustworthy rewards and punishments could move divine powers.” The Emperor (Sima Yan) said: “Excellent! Had I such a man to assist me, would I face today's troubles?” Bowing his head, Fan Jian replied: “I have heard that everyone calls Deng Ai wronged. Your Majesty knows but does not redress it. Is this not what Feng Tang meant by ‘Even with Lian Po and Li Mu, you could not employ them’?” The Emperor (Sima Yan) smiled: “I am about to clear the matter. Your words have stirred my intention.” An edict was issued to address Deng Ai's case.

The Appraisal says: As Chancellor of State, Zhuge Liang comforted the people, displayed standards, regulated offices, adapted institutions to circumstances, opened his sincere heart, and practiced impartiality. Those who served loyally and benefited the age were rewarded even if enemies; those who broke laws or neglected duties were punished even if relatives. Those who confessed and told the truth were pardoned even for grave offenses; those who evaded and cleverly embellished were put to death even for minor ones. No good was too small to reward, no evil too slight to censure. Every affair was precisely managed and traced to its root. He demanded performance matching designation and rejected falsehood. Thus throughout his state, all feared and loved him. Though punishments were severe, there was no resentment, because his intention was fair and encouragement and warning clear. He may be called a fine talent who understood government, matching Guan Zhong and Xiao He. Yet after years of mobilizing the people, he failed to achieve success. Perhaps adapting to changing circumstances in military command was not his strength!

CommentaryThe Yuanzi says: Someone asked what sort of man Zhuge Liang was. Master Yuan answered: “Zhang Fei and Guan Yu rose with Liu Bei and were his fighting strength and trusted intimates, but they were military men. When he later obtained Zhuge Liang and made him his assistant and minister, the other ministers willingly accepted him, because Liu Bei inspired sufficient trust and Zhuge Liang commanded sufficient respect. Entrusted with a six-chi orphan [an expression for a young ruler] and the government of a state, he served an ordinary ruler and held supreme authority without violating ritual. He performed a ruler's work without arousing the people's suspicion. Thus ruler, ministers, and commoners gladly supported him. His laws were strict, yet the people accepted them; he used their strength fully, yet they did not resent it. His armies entered and departed like guests, plundered nothing on the march, and did not hunt down gatherers of fodder and firewood, behaving as in their own country. In warfare, they stood like mountains and advanced or withdrew like wind. Their departure shook the realm, yet the people's hearts were untroubled. Several decades after his death, the people still sing in remembrance, like Zhou's people recalling the Duke of Shao (Ji Shi). Confucius said, ‘Yong [Ran Yong, courtesy name Zhonggong] may be made to face south as a ruler.’ Zhuge Liang possessed that quality.” The questioner asked: “At his first advance into Longyou, Nan'an, Tianshui, and Anding rebelled in response. Had he advanced quickly, they would no longer have belonged to the central state. Instead he moved slowly. Government troops reached Longyou and recovered the three commanderies, leaving him no gain. Why lose the opportunity?” Master Yuan replied: “Shu's troops were light and fierce, but good generals few. On his first advance, Zhuge Liang did not know the central state's strength, so he hesitated and tested it. Moreover, one planning a great undertaking does not seek immediate gains. That is why he did not advance.” “How do you know he hesitated?” “His first advance was slow and cautious, with successive camps. Later, amid changing conditions and submissions, he did not yet advance to seek battle [後轉降未進兵欲戰; wording and division uncertain]. Zhuge Liang was brave and capable of fighting, yet did not respond quickly to the three commanderies' rebellion. This indicates hesitation.” “How do you know he was brave and capable of fighting?” “At Jieting, his vanguard suffered a great defeat. Camped only several li away, he did not rescue it. When government troops engaged, he still moved slowly: this was his courage. His army marched calmly, firmly, and cautiously. Calmness permitted easy movement; firmness allowed advance and retreat. His laws were clear, his rewards and punishments trustworthy, and soldiers obeyed and faced danger without hesitation. Thus he could fight.” “He led several tens of thousands, yet his construction work equaled that of several hundred thousand. Wherever he went, camps, wells, stoves, privies, fences, and defenses all met exact standards. After a month's stay, they looked as orderly on departure as on arrival. Why waste labor merely for appearance?” “Shu's people were careless and flighty, so he deliberately employed them with firmness.” “How do you know?” “He attended to substance rather than reputation, with great ambition and distant aims, not quick or immediate results.” “He liked repairing offices, lodgings, bridges, and roads. Why attend to these nonurgent matters?” “A small state has few worthy talents, so he wished to give its institutions dignity. Under his government, fields were opened, granaries filled, weapons sharpened, and stores abundant. Court assemblies were not extravagant, and no drunkards were on the roads. When the root is established, lesser matters are ordered. Only after having strength to spare did he attend to small affairs. This encouraged achievement.” “Your account has evidence. But with such ability, why were his achievements few?” “He upheld fundamentals. Adapting to changing circumstances was not his strength, so he did not dare employ his weakness.” “Then why praise him?” “This is precisely a worthy man's far-reaching judgment. How can one demand every excellence? Knowing one's weakness and declining to use it is greatness. Knowing the shortcoming means knowing the strength. Ventures of foresight and predictions that might miss the mark were what Zhuge Liang avoided. This is what I approve.” Wu's Grand Herald Zhang Yan composed the Silent Records. Its chapter Describing Assistants discusses Zhuge Liang and King Xuan (Sima Yi): “When Han fell and the realm broke apart, heroes competed for the imperial vessel. Wei held the central lands and Liu's house occupied Yi Province. Both raised armies and became great powers of the age. The two ministers, Zhuge and Sima, encountered their opportunities and served enlightened rulers. One achieved distinction in Shu and Han, the other along the Yi and Luo. After Cao Pi and Liu Bei died and their heirs succeeded, each accepted responsibility as guardian and assisted a young ruler, honoring his pledged word. Both were a state's principal minister and a worthy assistant to royal or hegemonic rule. Examining earlier ages against recent affairs, their relative merits can be assessed. “Kongming [Zhuge Liang] rose from Ba and Shu, occupying one province, with perhaps one-ninth of the great state's soldiers and people. He offered diplomatic gifts to Great Wu and opposed the northern enemy. Farming and warfare were properly organized, laws and punishments ordered. With several tens of thousands of infantry he advanced far to Mount Qi, aspiring to water his horses in the Yellow and Luo rivers. Zhongda [Sima Yi] occupied ten times the territory and commanded the forces of a consolidated state. Holding strong cities and elite troops, he sought merely to preserve himself, not capture the enemy, allowing Kongming [Zhuge Liang] to come and go. Had this man not died, but fulfilled his intention through years of thought and daily planning, Liang and Yong would never have laid aside armor, nor the central lands unsaddled their horses. The balance of victory and defeat was already clear. Formerly, while Zichan [Gongsun Qiao] governed Zheng, the lords dared not attack. Shu's minister approached that standard. Was he not superior to Sima?” Someone objected: “Weapons are instruments of calamity and war is dangerous. A ruler who neglects security and peace within, preferring territorial expansion and conquest, has not planned well. Chancellor Zhuge Liang indeed had talent for assistance, but held an isolated land with fewer than fifty thousand soldiers. He could have shut the passes and guarded the barriers, leaving ruler and ministers at peace. Instead he exhausted armies with yearly campaigns, gaining not the smallest territory or an imperial foundation, while the country suffered devastation and the west bore service and levies. Wei's Sima Yi had ability and many troops and could not be lightly dismissed. Measuring the enemy before advancing is a military precaution. If the Chancellor had a plan to overcome him, no unmistakable achievement appeared; if none, that was not enlightened wisdom or what those turning toward him expected. I have doubts and ask to hear the explanation.” The reply said: “I have heard that Tang, with seventy li, and King Wen of Zhou (Ji Chang) <Civil King; a pre-dynastic ruler honored by Zhou>, with a hundred li, obtained the realm through conquest. Only Shun and Yu ascended through yielding. Now Shu and Wei are hostile states that cannot both rule. Since Cao Cao and Liu Bei, their strength differed greatly; yet Liu Bei marched to Yangping and took Xiahou Yuan. Guan Yu besieged Xiangyang, nearly forced Cao Ren to surrender, and captured Yu Jin alive. Great and small in the north were afraid. Mengde [Cao Cao] personally went to Nanyang, and Yue Jin, Xu Huang, and the others came to the rescue, but the siege was not promptly lifted. Thus Jiang Zitong [Jiang Ji] said there was then a plan to move from Xu across the Yellow River. Only when our state [Wu] attacked Nan Commandery did Guan Yu withdraw [Yue Jin's inclusion creates a chronological difficulty retained from the source]. “Xuande [Liu Bei] and Cao Cao could not be compared in wisdom, strength, numbers, or command, yet Liu Bei temporarily won even without Great Wu's supporting pressure. Now Zhongda's [Sima Yi's] talent falls below Kongming's [Zhuge Liang's], and circumstances differ. If Xuande [Liu Bei] could contend, why could Kongming [Zhuge Liang] not campaign against the enemy? Formerly Yue Yi used weak Yan's troops and an alliance of five states to overrun strong Qi and take more than seventy cities. Shu-Han's soldiers are no fewer than Yan's, and the trust between ruler and minister exceeds that accorded Yue Yi. Moreover, our state gives close support, east and west answering one another like a snake's head and tail. This powerful alignment cannot be compared with the five-state army. Why fear the enemy and refuse action? “Warfare wins through surprise and controls the enemy through wisdom. Territory, soldiers, and horses cannot alone be relied upon. I observe that his government was disciplined in his own day and left instruction afterward. His words were earnest, his plans aimed at advance, his loyal counsels steadfast, and his righteousness manifest toward his lord. How could even Guan Zhong and Yan Ying surpass him?”

CommentaryThe Record of Shu says: During Jin's Yongxing reign, General Who Guards the South Liu Hong visited Longzhong, inspected Zhuge Liang's former residence, and erected a commemorative stone and gateway marker. He ordered Li Xing of Jianwei, an Officer under the Grand Tutor, to compose this inscription: “The Son of Heaven commissioned me to the sunny side of the Mian. Hearing war drums, I ponder long, hoping for the surviving radiance of former worthies. I climb Long Mountain and gaze afar, bowing from my carriage before Zhuge's native place. “Divine things answer their occasion; great vessels have no fixed form. The discerning are not obstructed, and great virtue follows no ordinary pattern. Thus when valley winds arise, the zouyu cries; when clouds and thunder rise, the hidden scaled creature soars. Zhi [Yi Yin] laid aside common clothes after three invitations; Ni [Confucius] lifted his robe at a summons. Guan Zhong transformed like a leopard on receiving his charge; Gong [Zigong], moved, altered the demeanor of Zhuang [the compressed allusion 回莊 is uncertain]. Exceptional Xu [Xu Shu] brought forth a jewel and released the Sleeping Dragon from concealment. Great was Liu's [Liu Bei's] instant fellowship; admirable was your broad accomplishment. “An understanding lord has worthy men who give their lives. Thus you divided our Han's imperial vessel into three, held our remote borderlands, opposed our northern power, and ranged through our Wei territory. Heroic master, uniquely filled with Heaven's spirit! Were you a divine power or the essence of humanity? How deep your thought, how pure your virtue! Across different ages we meet in dreams; I regret we were not born together. “Your Eight Formations go beyond Sun Wu and Wu Qi [不在孫、吳; the precise comparative wording is uncertain]. The wonder of the wooden ox follows no model of Ban [Lu Ban]; how subtle the power of the divine crossbow! A thousand wells lined alike—what secret essentials! Formerly Dian and Yao had names without surviving deeds. How could they match our company in sound counsels and marvelous plans? Zang Wenzhong [Zang Sunchen], after death, was praised for words; yet you proved both word and deed. Yiwu [Guan Zhong] used the return-cup stand beyond his station; Yue Yi did not complete his service. How could they compare with your clear wisdom and guarded humility? “Entrusted at a deathbed, your yielding surpassed Xu You's. Governing before the royal screen, you left no circulating complaint. Your punishments equaled Zheng's, your teaching excelled in Lu's manner. Shu's people knew shame; the Yellow and Wei regions rested secure. If not Gao Yao, then Yi Yin—why compare merely Guan Zhong and Yan Ying? No wonder the sage Xuan [聖宣; the honorific's reference requires review] repeatedly sighed in admiration. “When you withdrew from public life, you chose this dwelling by divination. Could the abode of benevolence and wisdom lack breadth? Sun and moon pass, and a life's evening falls. Who can escape death? What matters is the pattern left behind. Your achievements change the customs of later ages. Singing your surviving instruction, even timid men will be stirred. Far-reaching and lofty, your standard is outstanding; all that concerns you is difficult to exhaust. “In former days we were separated on roads ten thousand li apart. Now I come and see your old home. Emperor Gao of Han (Liu Bang) returned in spirit to Feng and Pei; the Grand Duke (Lü Shang) <the founding statesman of Qi, also called Jiang Ziya> returned to Zhou after five generations. I imagine the dim spirit's likeness and hope some echo and shadow remain. If your soul has awareness, may it recognize this!” Wang Yin's Book of Jin says: Li Xing was a son of Li Mi and was also named An. [Translator's note: The inscription's dense classical allusions, comparisons, and first-person dynastic language are retained. Several compressed phrases remain uncertain rather than being treated as securely identified references.]